Turkey, the US and the Syrian Crisis

Turkey is the only actor that stands to spoil the neo Sykes-Picot. It appears that it will be impossible for al-Assad to regain his power in Syria as long as Turkey maintains its position.

More
Turkey the US and the Syrian Crisis
A Super Power's Test with Syria

A Super Power's Test with Syria

The analyses over the US policy in Syria have started to concentrate on the US’ gains if the Syrian crisis drags out rather than on the risks Washington will face.

More

The Arab Gulf countries have caused the prolongation of the Baath regime’s life by not providing strong support to the Syrian opposition and by instigating segregations.

On March 22, a panel on the Syrian Revolution was organized and hosted by the Foundation for Political, Economic and Social Research (SETA) in Ankara. Panelists were two leading figures of the Syrian opposition.

What are the chances that the actual object of fear is a stable post-al-Assad Syria? In the aftermath of turmoil and chaos, the newly achieved stability is expected to rest upon a Sunni demographic with a hint of Islamist politics.

Having lost its hold on the majority of the country, the al-Assad regime is now ensconced in Damascus.

Turkey: From 2012 to 2013

Turkey in 2013 will have the potential to stand out as an island of political stability and security both regionally and globally.

More
Turkey From 2012 to 2013
Syria Quo Vadis

Syria: Quo Vadis?

It would be accurate to interpret the United States’ and the West’s increasing interest in Syria as a rush to secure a role in the scenario in which the Baath regime is nearing its end.

More

Trade relations between Turkey and Russia indicate that divergence between these two countries regarding the resolution of the Syrian crisis has not deeply influenced the relations between the two.

If the Kurds want to realize their demand they must first become one of the main actors of the resistance movement to depose al-Assad in a way that does not leave room for doubt.

Another approach to the analysis of the Syrian crisis is to acknowledge the massacres committed by the Assad regime, but in the end, to own up the analyses mentioned above.

A country which really wants to engage in a war would not have carried out an active diplomacy with Syria for six months and with international community for thirteen months.

Turkey’s definitive stance on the issue shifted the Syrian resistance’s regional dynamics and event the faith of the Syrian regime.

Had Erdoğan supported the Baath regime or had he remained a spectator, as the opposition demanded, it would have taken him only months to do the political harm to himself that his adversaries could in decades.

Does the PKK, in the context of Turkey’s Kurdish question, intend to lay down its arms under any circumstance?

The transformation of peaceful protesters into armed revolutionaries was triggered not by choice, but by necessity and obligation.

Turkey should recognize that the neighbors with which it will likely share its longest borders are not Syria and Iraq, but Kurdish political entities.

High-ranking officers who were killed in the blast in Syria also took away the regime’s immunity, the mutual trust of those in the regime’s inner circle and the loyalty of the army.

Syria and Israel are two semi-states which base their identities on pretended hostility.

If Turkey’s CHP believes that they are up to the task of running the country, the Syrian crisis may serve as a great opportunity to convince the still doubtful voters.

Hafez al-Assad, with his collaborative strategies, his power of control and cruelty, corresponds to Vito Corleone.