5 Questions: The Palermo Conference and the Future of the Crisis in Libya

Why did the Turkish delegation withdraw from the Conference on Libya held in Palermo, Italy? What is Turkey’s position on the Libyan crisis? What is at the source of the Libyan crisis? Could the Conference on Libya in Palermo be a solution to the crisis? Is a solution possible in Libya?

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5 Questions The Palermo Conference and the Future of the
Fear and loathing in the Middle East

Fear and loathing in the Middle East

Two prominent regional powers in the Middle East made headlines this week for entirely different reasons.

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The United Arab Emirates (UAE) has recently emerged as a revisionist and expansionist state, not only in the Middle East but also in North Africa, the Horn of Africa and even the Balkans.

Regime leader Assad wants to claim victory over Idlib to prove he has Syrian lands under his control, says analyst

Conflictual and exclusivist foreign policies are simply zero-sum games; the normalization of politics in the Middle East requires balanced relations among regional states

Joint airstrike by the U.S., France and U.K. after the Syrian regime's use of chemical weapons in Douma is a ticket back to the table for the U.S., French and British leaders

Ambitious policies of Saudi Arabia and the Emiratis

After the Arab revolutions and insurgencies started, all strong republican regimes, which were known as the main carriers of Arab nationalism, collapsed.

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Ambitious policies of Saudi Arabia and the Emiratis
Political crisis in the Gulf

Political crisis in the Gulf

Gulf states face the first real and vital challenge after the outbreak of the Arab Spring but it seems they do not have the capability to handle it

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The United Arab Emirates (UAE) has been one of the leading countries in the Middle East in terms of aggressive foreign policy.

The long-term U.S. strategy for redesigning the Middle East with the creation of more compatible regimes continued with a series of attempts to trigger domestic tensions, civil strife and instability.

Turkey and Saudi Arabia have taken a great opportunity to revive their years-long partnership, and this time, the two should not miss the train for both their own and regional interests

The U.S.'s approach to the crises in Iraq, Libya, Syria, Egypt, Yemen and Palestine since 2010 has been about its experience of the hegemonic crisis.

It's important to focus on the reasons for the failure of Sissi's government's strategy toward northern Sinai.

The new Saudi administration changing King Abdullah's 'engagement to the world' policy isolates Saudi Arabia in the region and risks its position in global balances

When Daesh first emerged, the U.S. chastised Turkey for condoning it. However, while Turkey was fighting on the ground in Azaz, Jarablus and al-Bab, the U.S. did not provide enough air support.

U.S. and Western Europe are joined at the top of the global pyramid by aspiring emerging powers led by China and India seeking to redefine existing power balances and institutional settings.

There are two countries that enjoy the deepening chaos of the Middle East. One is Russia, which has increased its influence by filling the gaps left by the U.S. after 2015. It has achieved regional power that affects the balances with a relatively limited military presence.

In retrospect, this neo-medieval order did not emerge by happenstance or as a result of sporadic developments, but as a result of a deliberate, flexible and long-term regional transformation strategy conducted by the U.S. and its interlocutors.

Making significant progress in the fight against Daesh, Ankara must now watch out for the terrorist group's next-generation attacks such as vehicles plowing through crowds and using sleeper cells

The West does not seem to be bothered much about the rising tide of micro-nationalism in the Middle East, which is categorically perceived as an endemic conflict zone

The neo-medievalism in regional geo-politics enforces passing alliances and unlikely groupings in several areas in the Middle East