The Resolution Process and AK Party

ErdoÄŸan carried the country away from an undeclared bankruptcy into a great transformation in 10 years.

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The Resolution Process and AK Party
The Solution Process and Lessons of Iraq

The Solution Process and Lessons of Iraq

The last thing Turkey desires should be the entrapment of the solution process similar to that of KirkukÂ’s.

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A far-right party, the Nationalist Movement Party (MHP), owes its post-1980 existence to a great extent to the Kurdish issue and the terrorist acts of the PKK.

If the outlawed Kurdistan WorkersÂ’ Party (PKK) believes that a withdrawal to Kandil only will be sufficient, the other phases of the solution process may be put into practice arduously.

Öcalan has recognized the fact that Turkey’s democratic consolidation would be delayed as long as the PKK continued to hold arms.

As the parties take a political-stress-test in the solution process, all of the actors who fail to play a founding-role will have to suffer structural fractures, independently of the survival or success of the process.

The PKK Trauma

It seems that with the PKKÂ’s disarmament these political positions will have to disarm politically.

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The PKK Trauma
A Guide to the PKK and the Resolution Process

A Guide to the PKK and the Resolution Process

For years, the liberal/left discourse in Turkey misconstrued the “identity” debate to describe the “Kurdish question” through the Western-informed lens of the distinction between “good” and “bad.”

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The old TurkeyÂ’s only actor who has changed neither radically nor genuinely, nor has even discussed the change, is the Turkish mainstream media.

Belated Kurdish nationalism perhaps could not give anything to the Kurds, but it surely bestowed at least 20 years to the regime of tutelage for it to survive.

Whatever happens, relations between the two countries cannot and will not reach the high level of cooperation between TurkeyÂ’s pro-coup elites and Israel in the late 1990s.

The million-dollar question, is this: Will the PKK manage to make tough decisions in 2013Â’s Turkey, where the tutelage regime is almost completely gone?

Perhaps from now on, Tunisia should adopt an approach prioritizing social dynamics without pushing the new constitution process aside.

Although Assad and the apparatus of security that surrounded him managed to survive, their obstinacy left Syria in ruins.

The opportunity offered to the PKK to disarm today soon will be forced on it due to the newly shaping Mesopotamian geopolitics and ecosystem.

Öcalan becomes the first PKK actor who sees the “disarmament of the PKK” during the solution process not as a matter of choice but a necessity.

The re-initiation of the İmralı talks is putting the political parties of the new Turkey through a very realistic test, albeit unintentionally.

As long as the U.S. insists on the old order of the Middle East via its support for Israel, it will soon no longer possess the necessary political software to deal with the new Middle East.

What are the chances that the actual object of fear is a stable post-al-Assad Syria? In the aftermath of turmoil and chaos, the newly achieved stability is expected to rest upon a Sunni demographic with a hint of Islamist politics.

Having lost its hold on the majority of the country, the al-Assad regime is now ensconced in Damascus.

Turkey needs to draw lessons from the past and take necessary steps to facilitate the process.