At the moment, the Middle East is going through turbulent times. It is clear the end of this political crisis is not near.
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As the trial of ousted Morsi and top Ikhwan officials in Egypt begins on Monday, November 4, 2013, the opposition has already called this week a Trial of the Peoples Will in which demonstrations will be organized to protest the lawsuit against Morsi who was deposed by the military intervention on July 3, 2013.
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As the presence of the foreign mainstream media in Turkey is felt more every day, young and unemployed foreigners who want to be journalists and free-lance reporters around the world rush to Turkey.
The biggest obstacle that stands before Turkeys democratization efforts today is nothing but the 1980 constitution, which was drafted based on the founding ideology after the coup.
Today, quite common verbal attacks against Turkey through the National Intelligence Organization (MİT) Undersecretary Hakan Fidan are directly related to the security architecture and the preferences thereof, the change in problem solving methods and the efforts to remain independent in foreign policy.
Turkey will suffer from normalization pains just a while longer. Issues stemming from Kemalism will continue to plague our daily lives until the articles that regulate state-religion, military-civilian and state-citizen relations in the Constitution are amended.
As one Kurdish issue is being resolved, another is being created. The new Kurdish issue is nothing but the PKKs Kurdish issue.
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After a year has passed since the adoption of the elective courses, PM Recep Tayyip Erdoğan unveiled the democratization package on September 30, 2013. With this package, we will be discussing education in different languages in private schools from now on.
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Both what the future democratization efforts entail and how expedient they will be depend, not on Erdoğan administration, but on the opposition. Unless the opposition makes a move soon, democratization in Turkey will have to come gradually in mini democratization packages.
The debate we are having today is, in a way, the debate over whether the duty of guarding Sykes-Picot, despite the passage of a century, should be carried on or not.
The high interest - low exchange rate method was employed in the past yet resulted in high current deficit which was later compensated by low economic growth.
No matter which method is chosen for Syria, it will be neither rational nor realistic to expect a miraculous solution for the Syrian crisis.
There is really only one question: Is this a Syrian crisis or a global political depression?
In the multi-phased peace process, we face an entity that keeps employing unreasonable provocations in the withdrawal phase, the first leg of a road map on which their leader proceeds through consensus.
Where will the Syrian crisis spread to? What will the region be like today if there had not been a Syrian crisis? Could the Syrian crisis lead the region into an even worse crisis?
A lose-lose balance has already been formed, so both parties have no choice but to reach a political consensus as they have notably high grassroots potential.