End of the Proxy War?

Having silently stood by in the face of the Assad regime’s numerous atrocities over the past two years, all global actors reacted to Assad’s use of chemical weapons against the civilian population. In this sense, none but Assad himself will be responsible for a possible foreign intervention.

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End of the Proxy War
Expectations from the Democratization Package

Expectations from the Democratization Package

One should not expect a cure-all magic package but appreciate every single positive step because improvements take place through small steps extended over a period of time in Turkey.

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The West still does not trust the political actors holding Islamic traditions in the Middle East, and it does not know how to interact with them effectively.

Before the “week of departure” protests organized by the opposition in Tunisia on August 24, 2013, tension ruled as the Nahda Party in power continues to have talks with the opposition to prevent the country from becoming a second Egypt.

Despite the arrival of United Nations (UN) inspectors at Syria to investigate the claims that the Bashar al Assad regime uses chemical weapons against civilians and opponents, the Assad forces coordinated a chemical attack against the East Ghouta area in the Damascus suburb today and that has opened a new round of discussions about the track record of chemical weapons use in Syria.

SETA Foreign Policy Director Ufuk Ulutaş in an assessment to the Anadolu Agency (AA) said that the silence of the United Nations (UN) and the international community legitimizes massacres committed by the Bashar al Assad regime.

Assad-Sisi Massacres

If Putin has his Assad, the United States has its Sisi. Russia dubbed the massacres in Syria “fight against terror” while the U.S. labeled the coup in Egypt “democratization.”

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Assad-Sisi Massacres
Syria in the Middle of Violence

Syria in the Middle of Violence

SETA presents the analyses of SETA experts on Syria in order to better understand Syrian civil war which cost more than 100 thousand lives, injured more than 2 million people and displaced many others.

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The August 14 massacre in Egypt proved the helplessness of coup supporters and indicated that the military, which fails to compete against the resistance of the masses through political means, returned back to old methods.

U.S. Secretary of State John Kerry declared that the military was only restoring democracy in Egypt, but we don’t know who is the client, employer or the subcontractor in this restoration job. If it is Gen. Abdel Fattah al-Sisi’s job to restore democracy, then what is Burns doing in Cairo? If it is Mohamed ElBaradei who will bring “peace” to Egypt, then what keeps Ashton in Egypt?

The media sector’s relationship with the government is not the only problem it faces today. The media establishment, media bosses and journalists are shaped by their ideological tendencies, as well as the governments’ positions.

What is most interesting about the Egyptian coup is that both the Salafis and the liberals had no ideological or moral qualms about being in the same frame during the announcement.

The Kurdish grassroots almost completely supporting the solution process of the Kurdish question will also question for how long , from here on, they will continue to bear with the Kurdish political elites who have difficulty to convey the PKK leader Abdullah Öcalan’s message.

The events of July 3 represent nothing but pure political pornography. The sole truth and reality remains: Mohamed Morsi, the elected president of Egypt, lost his power to a military junta and its international solidarity networks.

Held in an environment of weak political process, the 2013 local elections were pale in comparison with other elections and specifically reminded of the 2005 local polls boycotted by the Sunni Arab community.

It would not be realistic to talk about breaking relations between Egypt and Turkey while not only the Egyptian people but also the Egyptian elites have sympathy for the Turkish Prime Minister Recep Tayyip Erdoğan.

The Arab Uprisings forcing the dictators to step down in the First Wave are to target the transformation of the old order and the establishment in the Second Wave.

An examination of Turkey and the Arab Spring protests via the main slogans and goals along with a cursory analysis of their political histories is enough to point out their difference in nature.

In a period where the models of administration for the Islamic world are opened to discussion, the model of one of the rooted movements of the world, the Muslim Brotherhood, is not given an opportunity to be tested.