The biggest trouble a social movement may have is the impression that it “contains militia” or cooperates with a “secret organization.”

What we need today is an intellectual effort to keep politics at the core of its agenda against the neo-tutelage center which simply was born out of a “gate-guard perspective” instead of discussing the law, legal files and the police.

In the last decade, after the tutelage regime was forced to retreat, Turkey embarked on a new era. It was easier then to determine the existence of the military tutelage through the crude and tangible interventions of the military bureaucracy into politics.

Since the operational political engineering that the Gulen Movement has launched by leveraging its power within the bureaucracy corresponds to a developing new form of tutelary, it threatens democracy in Turkey.

We face a center before us that, rather than arresting the criminal, accumulates crimes until it decides to use them for its own politically motivated operation later, committing an ignominious crime itself.

There had also been numerous corruption investigations into municipalities – governed both by the AK Party and other political parties. Why didn’t those investigations attract as much attention as the Dec. 17 investigation?

Now in Egypt, there is a new Constitution before us which institutionalizes the Military-Judiciary-Police State and narrows the sphere of the civilian politics in the post-coup period, and paradoxically is dominated by completely secular, liberal and Naserist positions.

The biggest struggle of Turkish politics today takes place between those who have lived the 1990s and those who have gone through the 2010s. Not only are their visions of the future but also their perceptions of power are in conflict.