If we are seriously to talk about the last two weeks, there is nothing but a huge political inaptitude in front of us.
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Are the current protests in Turkey the product of democratisation that has taken place over the last decade?
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Unless the emerging picture of the last ten days leave the world of psychological stresses, camouflaged objections and selfish sensitivities behind, and is not transformed into a clear political position, it will not leave a long lasting impression in the world of politics except psychological tensions.
A wish for the AK Party to be thrown out of power through undemocratic means is not a stance that can bring about meaningful political change. Its a psychological reflex from a bygone era.
The classical democracy paradigm has been shaken by the position of the Justice and Development Party (AK Party), the government and the opposition have exchanged their roles in terms of political reflexes.
A far-right party, the Nationalist Movement Party (MHP), owes its post-1980 existence to a great extent to the Kurdish issue and the terrorist acts of the PKK.
As the parties take a political-stress-test in the solution process, all of the actors who fail to play a founding-role will have to suffer structural fractures, independently of the survival or success of the process.
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The dynamics of the current political climate in Turkey, which make impossible to create a new Constitution based on consensus among political parties, can be discussed under three headings.
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The peace process will give us the opportunity to devise a more assertive and broader future by reconstructing a common we on a more righteous and healthier ground.
As Turkey suffers century-old political issues, the main opposition Republican Peoples Party (CHP) spends its political energy over inner-party conflicts.
The re-initiation of the İmralı talks is putting the political parties of the new Turkey through a very realistic test, albeit unintentionally.
During Ergenekon hearing, CHP deputies joined forces with radical left actors including the Workers Party (İP) and the TGB.
Despite the challenging period ahead, the CHP must continue its campaign for a peaceful resolution to the issue as well as for democratic reforms.
If Turkey’s CHP believes that they are up to the task of running the country, the Syrian crisis may serve as a great opportunity to convince the still doubtful voters.
The statements of government circles, new initiatives taken by the CHP (Republican Peoples Party) and the interview with Leyla Zana among others boosted hopes once again.
Reforming Turkey’s education system symbolizes not only an end to weak civilian institutions but also represents an opportunity to bridge the gap between secularists and conservatives in the country.
Turkey’s foreign policy and the Arab Spring turned out to be as important in determining the political agenda for 2011 as the June 12 elections. Turkey’s role in the spreading political movements from North Africa to the Middle East surpassed its previous involvement in the area.
Turkeys long-standing Kurdish issue was also mentioned in the commentaries as a major issue that awaited a comprehensive solution.
SETA PANEL DISCUSSION Chair: Taha Özhan, SETA Panelists: Ali Çarkoğlu, Sabancı Univ. Cengiz Çandar, Radikal Yavuz Baydar, Sabah Date: June 15, 2011 Wednesday Time: 14.00-16.00 Venue: SETA, Ankara
Turkey, after a long time, is undertaking elections to build a new future instead of overcoming a crisis situation.
The world’s economics in 2010 were still struggling to overcome the financial crisis, which began in 2008 in the United States and became global in 2009.