Erdoğan does not view Davutoğlu or Babacan as 'politicians' to drive party politics, while the Democracy and Progress Party (DEVA) and the Future Party (GP) cannot promote a new brand of politics or create a new discursive framework
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Turkey never ceases to debate 'identity politics' around elections. In previous elections, political parties tapped into distinctions between religious and secular citizens, Sunnis and Alevis, or Turks and Kurds, in open or veiled manners, to influence voters.
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Obviously, the governing party bears responsibility for any action it takes – or does not. What really needs to be discussed is why the opposition cannot represent an alternative despite that baggage. The opposition seems to underestimate its own ability to make new points to target the government, instead fueling fears and concern.
On May 29, the leaders of six opposition parties met for the fourth time and unveiled a list of 'fundamental principles and objectives.' Supporters of the Future Party (GP) and the Democracy and Progress Party (DEVA) attached particular importance to the declaration, portraying the move as the relevant parties agreeing on a common vision – in addition to their previous proposal for an 'augmented' parliamentary system.
A list of 10 questions, which President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan addressed to Kemal Kılıçdaroğlu, the main opposition Republican People’s Party (CHP) chairperson, in his address to the ruling Justice and Development Party (AK Party) caucus last week, sets the framework for the 2023 election campaign.
'The opposition has a democratic right to criticize the Turkish government’s refugee policy. That right, however, should be exercised without poisoning the country’s democratic culture'
Certain actors in the Turkish opposition lacking the courage to defend their past policies is another indicator of how confused the bloc is
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The future of Syrian asylum-seekers in Turkey, which the opposition feels is a serious concern, should be determined according to the principles of harmony and peace
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Turkey is at a time and place where neither the People’s Alliance nor the opposition can view the 2023 elections as a done deal
Recent gatherings around two tables, one in Ankara and the other in Moscow, bring to mind a line from a famous Turkish poem: 'What a table it was indeed'
The leaders of Turkey’s six opposition parties will hold their first roundtable meeting on Feb. 12. Having agreed to the need for an "augmented" parliamentary system, they had been facing criticism over their seeming fragmentation and lack of a common political agenda.
The Turkish opposition’s waywardness alarms its mentors, who warn that the election is 'theirs to lose.'
The opposition will not stop demanding an early election in 2022, while the current government will want to wait until the country's new economic model starts yielding results.
Turkey takes precautions against excessive prices and stockpiling, rising inflation remains a global problem.
Turkey’s political opposition has been saying the same thing, over and over again, since the 2019 municipal elections: 'The country is not being governed properly. Let us hold early elections.'
The conservative opposition party is on the brink of a major political choice. Either way, it will impact both the party and the upcoming 2023 elections as well
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By all indications, 2022 will be a year full of intense arguments and discussions.
Opposition parties know no bounds in trying to 'get rid of Erdoğan' even if it means increasing tension and polarization
CHP and the IP may face two problems at once. Failure to talk about autonomy or native-language education would get them stuck between Erdoğan’s Diyarbakır address and the HDP’s demands. Discussing the problems with the reconciliation process would put the CHP and the IP, not the ruling Justice and Development Party (AK Party), in a difficult position.
The main question surrounding the 2023 elections in Turkey is whether the candidates or the principles will prove more important