Sharing the Middle East and New Doctrines

The doctrines of President George W. Bush and Obama made long-term uncertainty innate to the region, which would change the security and alliance structures of the Middle East. But how?

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Sharing the Middle East and New Doctrines
Erdoğan's Call and the Future of the OIC

Erdoğan's Call and the Future of the OIC

The opening remarks of President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, who took over the term presidency of the organization, during the summit depicted the expectations of the OIC. His remarks were full of new suggestions to turn the OIC into a genuine association.

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Erdoğan adopted a reconciliatory tone in Washington to convey the message that he was interested in addressing the pressing problems in Turkish-U.S. relations.

The anti-DAESH campaign conducted by the global community is far from well-coordination and only serves the terror organization's interests

Russia wouldn't want to lose face in Tehran despite having bowed to Israeli pressures to limit their support for Bashar Assad and Hezbollah. Willing to do anything to weaken the Assad regime and Iran, Israel openly supports a federal solution.

Keeping in mind that Turkey and Israel could launch mutually beneficial joint projects, including a pipeline to export natural gas to European markets, why is Netanyahu's government reluctant to shake hands with Turkey?

Winning the Proxy and Perception Wars

When the PYD abused its defined mission of fighting DAESH and tried to make one-sided territorial gains, Turkey reacted correctly, feeling that a new geostrategic design was being made along its southern borders.

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Winning the Proxy and Perception Wars
The Unfairness of Placing the Burden of the Syrian War

The Unfairness of Placing the Burden of the Syrian War on Turkey

Western actors especially should consider revising their positions on Syria and the refugee crisis before exerting pressure on Ankara, which has already taken in 2.7 million refugees and spent $9 billion for their care.

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Although Ankara highlights the significance of not being a part of a sectarian war to avoid increasing ideological polarization in the Middle East, it stands closer to Riyadh than Tehran.

Ankara, one of the most geopolitically significant players in the Middle East, is determined to take a neutral path on the Saudi-Iranian conflict, yet still, in the near future, a strategic alliance between Ankara and Riyadh rather than Tehran, seems more likely.

The HDP made significant progress in the political arena, but it must keep in mind that a toxic mix of violence and cross-national alliances will not secure legal status for their voters.

Civil wars in Syria and Iraq are reshaping the Middle East, followed by issue-based alliances, thinking ahead and working on multiple scenarios.

The fact that regional powers have been able to create a modest framework alone deserves some credit. They could, after all, help develop an Islamic language to discredit radical groups' terrorist agendas.

Moving forward, Kobani will be remembered as a transit route for terrorists and weapons as opposed to a glorified resistance-hence the Kurdish winter. Would the Kurdish nationalists hear Mr. Barzani out?

Upon the request of the Iraqi government, Turkish troops were deployed aiming to train Peshmerga and the Iraqi forces. Until now, 2000 soldiers have been trained.

Qatar and Turkey are mutually dependent on one other in stabilizing their domestic politics and normalizing the region.

Turkey’s rapid transition from a buffer state position to a pro-active and multi-dimensional diplomatic activism has led to ambiguities on the aim, intention and realism of the recent Turkish foreign policy.

Al-Jazeera invited almost a dozen Turkish scholars and journalists to its Fourth Annual Forum last month in Doha. It was the first time so many Turkish participants attended. Why did al-Jazeera invite so many Turks to an event focused on the Arab world? More generally, why do people in the Middle East pay attention to Turkish perspectives on their affairs?

In a rather unprecedented cry of outrage, Prince Turki al-Faisal, one of the most prominent figures of the Saudi state, put it bluntly: If the US under the new Obama administration does not change its policy toward Israel and Palestine, the Saudis will no longer maintain their “special relationship” with the US (“Saudi Arabia’s patience is running out,” Financial Times, Jan. 23, 2009). Quoting from the Saudi king that his peace plan, called “the Arab peace initiative,” is still on the table, the prince added that “it would not remain there for long.”