Each leader made some fundamental decisions about the country's direction and therefore the only meaningful comparison between them is how they consolidated power

On the night of July 15, the Turkish people showed the entire world that they have the capacity to protect and defend their democracy, liberties, values and lifestyles

The EIR documents and analyzes trends in the spread of Islamophobia in various European nation states. Every year on the International Day for the Elimination of Racial Discrimination (21 March), EIR will be published.

The national reports in the EIR look at significant incidents and developments in each country during the period under review.

The liberal left repeated the mistakes of the Kemalist establishment that they so harshly criticized.

The moral of this true story for starters on Turkey is to never take anything at face value in Turkey's wild politics.

If being a majority will never give an edge and if the majority will not get any respect from the minority, as the liberal-leftist conception of democracy suggests, should we not start talking about the danger of “minority dictatorship” rather than “tyranny of the majority”?

Unlike what many suppose, democracy is a regime where conservative governments’ conservative policies do not constitute ground for accusations of authoritarianism.

What will shape politics and the society in Turkey from now on is not the identity of those who were in Taksim, but who they represented both qualitatively and quantitatively.

Recent demonstrations have revealed a polarized Turkish society. The only way forward is through genuine dialogue.

If Erdoğan can overcome 19th century positivism, then we can have our participatory democracy and Erdoğan can finally be free of accusations of totalitarianism.

The discourse over the protest shows more of a tendency for psychological analyses than a political stance. Explanations such as “fear, feeling confined and repressed” do not offer us any political clarification.

The congress’s most outstanding contribution to the AK Party and Turkish politics was that it offered crucial hints to define the identity of the AK Party and the new dynamics of its politics.

Mohamed Morsi, by forcing the top names of the SCAF to resign, squeezed decades of the Turkish political calendar into a single month. From now on, in its battle against the tutelage regime he will struggle not only to come to power but also be in power.

Recent events have once again thrown into sharp focus the question of democracy and secularism in Turkey. The table talk topic is whether Turkey should be democratic or secular. The July 22 elections will be a battleground for the Turkish political system to decide if it can be both secular and democratic while remaining civilized.

The string of events beginning with Abdullah Gül’s candidacy for president has revealed once more the fragile nature of Turkish democracy. While an ideological battle is being fought over who owns the core values of the republic, the current crisis puts democracy in Turkey to the test. The current crisis is carefully crafted and based on an old theme in Turkish politics: the ideological legitimacy of those who demand change