Political scientists from Turkey and Morocco gathered to analyze the issues that both the region and the two countries face.

The Western media sees Kobani as a symbol that will trigger an armed fight for democracy, as it did in the Arab Spring, which puts it to the fore.

The U.N. Security Council (UNSC) non-permanent member elections took place last week and the results of these elections fostered many debates and discussions.

Turkey wants regional players to establish a regional order in a peaceful and cooperative manner; it wants governments to reflect the sentiments of their citizens and end the conflicts in the region.

The rationale behind Turkey's policies reflecting its cultural capital, in turn, relates to the country's redefinition of its national interests, which manifest themselves in the form of Turkey's strong reactions against the military junta in Egypt and Israeli oppression in Gaza.

It is becoming increasingly clear with every international crisis that the world order is moving towards a more balanced and multipolar structure in which a multiplicity of actors are holding numerous instruments of influence against each other.

Turkey showed great political leadership and pushed for accelerated integration with her Middle Eastern neighbors up until the explosion of the Syrian War and the military coup in Egypt.

What really is the so-called Islamic world? How accurate is it to describe a group of Muslim countries, incapable of taking charge of their future and resolving their own issues, as the Islamic world?

Concerted action against repeated and unlawful aggression on the part of Israel, which behaves like an "anachronic colonial state," should start from demystification of its endless power perception and alleviation of various fears in the Muslim world.

Today, Israel does exactly the same thing as 2008 and 2012, as the Gaza massacres merely attest to a shallow strategy. It spills blood yet again in Ramadan 2014.

Ahead of the presidential election in Turkey, candidates begin to challenge each other over foreign policy.

Unlike in the aftermath of World War I, none but the Middle East's own children are to blame for the turmoil that the region experiences today.

This study will dwell on the structures, opinions of Salafi groups prior to the Revolution and their political parties, political attitudes and opinions in the wake of the January 25 Revolution.

The regional actors are roughly divided into two camps. All regional administrations, except Turkey, are fighting – over each other – to extend the life of the Sykes-Picot order.