The practice of universal suffrage in Egypt, without limitations on gender and ethnicity, is a hopeful sign for the region.”
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The Annan Plan was a miracle plan that could have benefited, in the short term, all those who were not disturbed by the bloodshed.
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The final leg of support for the Syrian Ba’ath regime’s geopolitical comfort zone was the political climate generated by the other dictatorships in the area.
SETA PANEL Moderator: Taha Özhan, SETA President Speakers: Müjge KüçükkeleÅŸ, SETA, Research Assistant Talip Küçükcan, Director, SETA Foreign Policy Research Egemen Bağış, Minister of EU Affairs and Chief Negotiator Date/Time: May 10, 2012, THURSDAY 11:00-12:30 Venue: SETA Ankara room, ANKARA
Syria has become one of the few friends Iran has left, after it was blatantly sanctioned by the West, the U.S and other states in the region after the Islamic revolution.
Russia’s future in the Middle East fares no better than the al-Assad regime in which Russia had been investing.
SETA PANEL Oturum BaÅŸkanı: Talip Küçükcan, SETA KonuÅŸmacılar: Walid Saffour, Suriye Ä°nsan Hakları Komitesi (SHRC) BaÅŸkanı Nadim Houry, Ä°HÄ°Ö BaÅŸkan Yrdc. ve OrtadoÄŸu ve Kuzey Afrika Sorumlusu Cengiz Çandar, Radikal Gazetesi Yazarı Tarih: 26 Nisan 2012 PerÅŸembe Saat: 11.00-13.00 Yer: SETA, Ankara Salonu
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Egypt has been focused on one issue alone since the overthrow of Mubarak. The subject of the main discussions going on for months now is the elections.
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Israel wants regime change in Syria, as much as it wanted a change in Egypt, the heart of the Camp David order, of which the Syrian regime is branch.
Moderator: Taha Özhan, President of SETA Foundation Panelists: Besma Kodmani, Syrian National Council Veniamin Popov, Moscow State Institute of International Relations Kayhan Barzegar, Center for Strategic Research, Iran Basheer Nafi, Al Jazeera Center for Studies Date/Time: April 3rd, 2012, TUESDAY 10:00-12:00 Venue: SETA Ankara room, ANKARA
UN wants to see the al-Assad regime, which killed most of the 8,000+ people killed during demonstrations, to allow people to protest freely.
What the Syrian regime fails to see is that this space carved between the political occupations of 2012 and geopolitical balances is about to expire.
America will only then - if indeed it wants - be free from the three answers or the single al-Assad answer outlined above!
When the AK Party came to power in 2002, the people were finally able to say “stop” to the gang that took the state hostage during the 1990s.
Syria, which is the most wounding issue we face today, has turned into yet another test for the global platforms.
In the last decade, the Turkish Republic has experienced the most difficult breaking points in its history since its establishment.
The only thing that will happen if the Assad regime in Syria is not overthrown is the continued political junk bond problem whose existence is extended slightly while its default risk is increased.
Tahrir nowadays is not only a space for those who are celebrating the anniversary of the revolution but also a convenient place to hide for those who want to escape responsibility.
The worry is not about the possibility of a war breaking out; it is about the hope of building a new regional order in the near future fading away.
The majority of the actors, particularly those who are closely related to the Syrian crisis, do not really talk about Syria even when they are speaking about Syria.