US-Turkey Relations in the AK Party Decade

The U.S.-Turkey relationship took on a fresh dynamic with the onset of the Arab Spring in early 2011.

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US-Turkey Relations in the AK Party Decade
The Last Guardian of Sykes-Picot

The Last Guardian of Sykes-Picot

it is clear that the post-2002 Middle East has new circumstances, and each actor’s ability to adapt to these will determine its future.

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Unless the PKK articulates the phrase “we can disarm” hypothetically, its disarmament in reality will not be possible.

When Obama’s campaign was still celebrating its victory amidst chants of "four more years," the Republicans had already begun debating the legitimacy of this hollow victory.

It is necessary to get rid of national security concerns based on false assumptions of past years in order to ensure social peace and regional effectiveness.

The “New Egypt” will be shaped to a great extent by a “negotiation” process between the army and the political actors in opposition. It is likely that Egypt’s transition to democracy will be a long and difficult process.

Turkish-American Partnership 2.0?

The new paradigm in relations seems to be working so far in critical issue areas, including Syria and NATO’s missile shield.

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Turkish-American Partnership 2 0
The PKK's Predicament

The PKK's Predicament

For the PKK, the process can only go from the initial “Defeat in the 1990s” to the “Second Defeat” in the 2010s.

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Any regional conflict in the Balkans, would not only allow the countries to drift into turmoil, but would also threaten the security of Europe. 

 SETA PANEL DISCUSSION  Chair:     Taha Özhan, SETA    Panelists:     Ali Çarkoğlu, Sabancı Univ.       Cengiz Çandar, Radikal     Yavuz Baydar, Sabah  Date: June 15, 2011 Wednesday  Time: 14.00-16.00  Venue: SETA, Ankara   

SETA PUBLIC LECTURE by Naser Elmanea, SRPR Date: February 28, 2011 Monday Time: 16.00 - 18.00 Venue: SETA, Ankara

"DEBATING NEW TURKEY" Panel I: Turkish Politics: Quo Vadis?  Panel II: Turkey's New Regional Activism Panel III: Turkish-American Partnership Date: December 3, 2010 Venue: Washington, D.C.   

Mr. Blix addressed the present challenges and opportunities on the way toward nuclear disarmament and peace in the world in general, in the Middle East in particular.

On May 31, 2010, Israeli commandos stormed a passenger ship, the Mavi Marmara, the largest boat of a flotilla of six boats which were carrying 10000 tons of humanitarian aid to besieged Gaza, in international high waters. The operation left 9 activists dead and over 30 activists wounded. The flotilla attack started a new trend for Turkish-Israeli relations. For the first time in history, Turkish citizens were directly exposed to Israeli aggression. In this sense, the attack constitutes a break in Turkish-Israeli relations. It is now not only Israel’s treatment of the Palestinians that will shape the nature of Turkish-Israeli relations, more than anything else, but it is Israel’s steps towards salvaging bilateral relations by reassuring the Turkish nation and state.

Since 2000, relations regained its historically fluctuating pattern and this continues to characterize the nature of relations between Turkey and Israel today. When Turkish-Israeli relations were formalized in March 28, 1949, Turkey became the first Muslim state to recognize the state of Israel; however, relations were kept at a minimum level for decades. From 1949 to the early 1990s, relations were very fragile and followed a fluctuating pattern. This pattern was replaced by the “honeymoon years” starting from the late 1990’s. The late 1990s marked by the soft coup of 1997, also known as the “February 28 Process,” constituted an exception in the pattern and level of relations between Turkey and Israel. Since 2000, relations regained its historically fluctuating pattern and this continues to characterize the nature of relations between Turkey and Israel today.

On July 13, 2009, an intergovernmental accord on the proposed Nabucco gas pipeline was signed. The 3.300 kilometer long pipeline will transport Caspian, Iraqi and likely Iranian gas in the future depending on the changing situation and its relationship with the USA, and to a lesser extent Egyptian natural gas resources, via Turkey to Austria. The Turkish leg of the pipeline will be 2000 kilometers long.Given that the pipeline is designed to export non-Russian Caspian resources – Azeri, Kazakh, and Turkmeni - to European markets, thereby, diversifying energy supplies for western energy markets, several European states and the US have supported this project. The project is planned to become operational in 2014 with an estimated cost of 7.9 billion euros (10.6 billion dollars). In addition to enhancing its energy corridor role, the pipeline will provide significant benefits to Turkey in terms of revenues, employment, etc.

SETA PUBLIC LECTURE  Speakers:  H.E. Mr. Nabil Maaruf Palestinian Ambassador to Turkey İbrahim Kalın  SETA, Director General Ayşe Karabat  Today's Zaman Columnist Date: January 9, 2009 Friday  Time: 10.00 – 12.00 Venue: SETA Foundation, Ankara

Turkey has a growing economy demanding about 7% more energy each year. It's electric power generation capacity (approx. 41,000 MW) must be doubled in the next 10 years to meet the demand. Natural gas has a significant share in electricity production, which should be reduced. Domestic and renewable energies should be employed in meeting the demand. Turkey took major steps toward liberalization of its energy market. Private enterprises are expected to invest in the energy market in a timely manner. Turkey has an “energy corridor” position between the gas and oil producing countries and the importing countries. Turkey’s efforts to actualize the use of renewable and domestic sources should be supported.

Frantz Fanon, özgürleştirme paradigmasının ayrıntılarını Dünyanın Lanetlileri adlı eserinde ortaya koymuştur. Onun sömürgecilik ve sömürgeleştirmeden kurtulmaya/bağımsızlaşmaya(decolonization) dair tahlilleri birçok düşünürün görüşleri üzerinde derin bir etki bırakmıştır. Dahası onun öngörülerle dolu son derece ufuk açıcı bu çalışması tüm dünyadaki direniş hareketleri üzerinde geniş bir etki uyandırmıştır.

Turks in Germany are no longer transitory gastarbeiter (guest worker) people but de facto settlers in Germany, despite the dominant official political discourse that constantly reiterates that Germany is not a country of immigration. The parameters of this political discourse are based on an ethnocentric interpretation of citizenship and nationhood in Germany, which emphasizes volknation, a cultural nation, and leads to the political exclusion of ethnic minorities.