U.S. Commerce Secretary Gina Raimondo focused on managing trade issues between the two countries during her four-day visit to China. Following her meeting with her Chinese counterpart Wang Wentao, Raimondo announced the creation of a joint forum to reduce tension. She emphasized that the Biden administration would not compromise on national security by advocating for restrictions on chip exports. Raimondo's visit marked the first by a U.S. Commerce Secretary to China in five years and followed visits by Secretary of State Blinken in June and Treasury Secretary Janet Yellen in July. It is clear that the Biden administration is continuing its economic struggle with China while attempting to reduce rising tensions to safeguard American economic interests and capital in the country.
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The intense global economic rivalry between the US and China is leading to a fierce competition, particularly in the advanced technology sector. While Washington imposes measures to limit the export of high-tech products to China, Beijing is not sitting idle. A recent example is Intel, the giant US computer chip producer, retracting its decision to acquire Israel's semiconductor chip manufacturer, Tower Semiconductor. Intel had initially planned to acquire Tower to remain competitive in chip manufacturing and had obtained approval from American authorities. However, after waiting for 18 months without approval from Chinese authorities, Intel was forced to announce the cancellation of the acquisition. Intel, which generates 27% of its global revenues from China, avoiding jeopardizing this relationship, demonstrates how complex the economic battle between the US and China has become.
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The Biden administration is struggling to formulate a comprehensive and effective China policy. While the Trump era saw constant pressure on China, attempting to limit its sphere of influence, the Biden administration embarked on a path of both competition and cooperation. Despite a general consensus across both parties about the need for the United States to contend with China, it is evident that crafting a concrete and effective China policy remains challenging. The planned visit of Secretary of State Blinken to China in February, expected to ease the escalating tensions and establish a "constructive" framework, was postponed due to the strain caused by the "spy balloon" incident, further highlighting the fragility and lack of trust in the relationship. However, there is no indication of any tangible outcome achieved during Blinken's visit.
The United States has shown a close and dangerous interest in Taiwan in recent years in order to break the power of China, with which it is in global competition in almost every field, and to confine China to the Indo-Pacific region. If the two great powers with nuclear weapons try to solve this problem with war, of course, it will lead the whole world to disaster. However, according to the Realist school in the International Relations literature, it is thought that these powers will not directly attempt war, based on the prediction that if a nuclear power attacks another nuclear power, both sides will be destroyed. Based on this thesis, we can say that the probability of a direct U.S.-China war is unlikely.
Although China refrains from responding to America's policy by using military force, its efforts to gather intelligence by violating the U.S. airspace show that the struggle will continue in different areas.
In an address to U.S. Congress last week, President Joe Biden discussed his first 100 days in office. It was a critical period considering the ongoing global pandemic and deep divisions in American society.
For the last three months, since the inauguration of Joe Biden as president of the United States, we have seen an increasing recalibration of U.S. foreign policy. First off, the administration is trying to end the long wars that have haunted U.S. foreign policy over the last two decades.
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The Biden administration's initial foreign policy statements and announcements demonstrate that China is the most significant priority of the United States.
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The new U.S. administration is expected to bring about many changes in U.S. foreign policy. Many believe that Washington will reengage in global initiatives, such as the Paris climate accord, and U.S. foreign policymakers are expected to coordinate their policies more closely with U.S. allies in the Atlantic and Pacific.
Trump not only escalated the disputes into a trade war but also extended the scope of these disputes to include some other countries, including Japan. Through bilateral talks, the dispute with Japan was de-escalated, but with China, the long and tedious negotiations did not lead to a resolution.
There are only 25 days left to the most significant and consequential elections in recent U.S. history. Mail-in and early voting have already started across the country. According to the latest statistics, almost 7 million people have already cast their ballots, which signals that this could be the election with the highest turnout in U.S. electoral history. It seems that instead of suppressing voting, COVID-19, through mail-in and absentee ballots, may increase the voting in many states in the U.S.
When the coronavirus outbreak started to spread around the world in February, there were a lot of debates about the pandemic's potential implications on world politics and the international system. Some thought that the outbreak will be transformative for the international system. According to them, the outbreak could change the balance of power in the world by changing the main dynamics. However, their viewpoints were challenged by a different group of scholars.
What does Phase One Deal include? How have the U.S.-China Energy Relations changed over time? What is the impact of coronavirus on the deal? What does the future hold for U.S.-China energy relations?
Ankara’s ability to reshape geopolitics in the Eastern Mediterranean has demonstrated the need for Europe to engage with Turkey under new terms
For scholars and observers, the return of the great power rivalry is the new normal in international relations over the last couple of years. The competition and rivalry between the U.S. and China are being closely watched by the international community. It is a well-known fact that the relations between these two major powers will be determinative of the future of world politics.
One of the most important outcomes of the COVID-19 crisis will be its impact on U.S.-China relations, according to many scholars and experts. The already-strained relations between the two countries may be up for an even more challenging period in the second half of this year.
The current United States government, which has been remaining indifferent to global developments and has been following unilateral policies, undermined the coronavirus as long as its impact was limited to China and before it was declared a pandemic.
Since the unfolding of the coronavirus crisis, there has been an increasing number of questions about the future of Sino-U.S. relations.
Last week, two developments in the U.S.-China relations demonstrated the intricacy of their ties and signaled the future trajectory of the Great Power rivalry.
The complicated trade war between the U.S. and China poses a danger for the entire global economic order, causing ripples across the whole international system
In the last few years, the use of 'trade wars' has become increasingly common in international relations. Once considered a rather marginal concept, after the beginning of the tenure of President Donald Trump it has been constantly utilized in describing one of the tenets of U.S. relations with China.