Türkiye-Rusya ilişkileri 1990’ların sonlarından itibaren daha önce görülmemiş bir dönüşüm süreci içine girdi. Bu süreç içinde hızla gelişen ekonomik ilişkiler, siyasi ilişkilerin de geliştirilmesi için zemin hazırlamakla kalmadı, çeşitli alanlarda rekabete karşın, iki ülke arasında ilişkilerde işbirliği perspektifini ön plana çıkarttı.

22-24 TEMMUZ 2009, Conrad Otel, İSTANBUL  

26-27 MAYIS 2009, Conrad Otel, İSTANBUL

Turkey's relations with NATO in parallel to signs that the United States and the European Union have embarked on a process of greater transatlantic integration demands closer attention

This article considers the August 2008 visit to Turkey by Iranian President Mahmoud Ahmedinejad, and analyzes relations between Turkey and Iran in general. The tensions and crises that followed the 1979 Iranian Revolution are briefly presented in order to provide a better understanding of the present state of relations. Then we draw a picture of the situation after the Justice and Development Party (AKP) came to power in 2002, bringing widespread changes to Turkish foreign policy. We also call attention to Turkey’s changing role in the regional balance of power, and to the significance of that role both in Turkey’s relations with Iran and with the United States.

Turkey has been involved, historically and demographically, with many of the regions of “frozen conflict” in post-Soviet space. At this point, one might consider the position of Turkey as being at the epicenter of Euro-Atlantic and Russian extremes concerning the frozen conflicts. Georgia, since 1991, has been considered a valuable “strategic partner” by Turkey for several reasons. Turkish Prime Minister Tayyip Erdoğan’s Caucasus Pact idea is a good opportunity to create an inclusive (Russia+Turkey+Georgia+Armenia+Azerbaijan) new foreign policy approach at this stage. This approach should be merged with the representation of all the frozen or unfrozen conflict areas, peoples, ethnic groups and regions included under the roof of such an alliance.

SETA PANEL Konuşmacı:     Elisabeth Özdalga     ODTÜ Sosyoloji Bölümü    Tarih: 25 Mart 2008 Salı Saat: 16.00 Yer: SETA, Ankara

İsrail’in dış politika stratejisine baktığımız da “tehdit” algısının çok büyük olduğunu görürüz. Kuruluşundan bu yana varlığını tehdit altında hissettiği bu coğrafyada İsrail Devleti, etrafındaki Arap çemberini çeşitli stratejilerle kırma çabasındadır.

The two-day summit in Annapolis ended on 29 November, 2007. Israel and the Palestine Authority agreed to start a new peace initiative

SETA CONFERENCE By  Kim Beng Phar  Visiting Fellow, Waseda University, Organization of Asian Studies Date: August 27, 2007 Monday Time: 17.00 - 19.00 Venue: SETA Foundation, Ankara

SETA KONFERANS Konuşmacılar:     Ömer Taşpınar     National Defense University Tarih: 10 Nisan 2007 Salı Saat: 16.00 – 18.00 Yer: SETA, Ankara

Nikolas Sarkozy, cumhurbaşkanlığı adaylığı açıklandıktan sonraki ilk demecinde “Türkiye’nin Avrupa Birliği’nde yeri yoktur” diyerek son yıllarda yükselen kültürcü söylemi ne kadar içselleştirdiğini bir kez daha göstermiş oldu. Avrupa’da, Türkiye’nin üyeliğine kuşku ile bakanlar veya tamamen karşı çıkanların öne sürdüğü itiraz nedenlerine bakıldığında karşımıza bazı korkular, önyargılar ve tehdit algılarının çıktığını görüyoruz. Türkiye’nin AB üyeliğine karşı kamuoyu oluşturmaya çalışanların her platformda dile getirdiği noktalar arasında Türkiye'nin nüfus büyüklüğü, hızlı nüfus artışı, genç nüfusun oransal yüksekliği, işsizlik, geleneksel ve kültürel kimlik farklılıkları ve Müslümanlık faktörü, Türkiye’nin Batı uygarlığının bir üyesi olmadığı ve karar alma mekanizmalarında sivil olmayan çevrelerin etkinlikleri gibi konuları saymak mümkün

Turkey has a unique experience in state formation, in formulating state-religion relations, but some painful periods in its history regarding democratization. The military intervention on Sept. 12, 1980 suspended Turkey's fragile democracy and caused a breakdown in party politics by banning all political parties and sending their leaders to trial. The first election after the military coup in 1983 was a turning point in Turkish political history, and the election results and subsequent government policies under Turgut Ozal's premiership changed the course of Turkish political culture for decades to come. Ozal's center-right liberal-conservative Motherland Party (then called ANAP, now ANAVATAN) launched a liberalization and democratization policy in Turkey, which facilitated the expression of Islam in the public sphere to a greater degree than before. As part of its policy, the government deleted Articles 141, 142 and 163 of the Constitution to lift obstacles to freedom of thought. ANAP also adopted a free market economy through a large-scale privatization movement.

Many observers fail to see the unique position of Turkey concerning state, society and religion mainly because they concentrate on recent reports in the mass media which usually focus on tensions and fears. Therefore analysis on these issues only touches the surface and fails to grasp the persistent multidimensional modern Turkey. Turkey occupies a unique place among modern nation states. Not only from a geopolitical point of view, but also from cultural and religious points of view. Turkey lies at the crossroads between Eastern and Western interests. The political and cultural identity of modern Turkey emerged under the influence of domestic and external forces that existed in and around Turkey throughout the centuries. Since modern Turkey was established on the remains of the Ottoman Empire, periods of conflict and cooperation between Turkey and other political entities, such as Europe and the Middle East, have led to the development of the modern Turkish state and influenced its move toward modernization.