Clues to comprehend Turkish foreign policy
The Russian invasion of Ukraine continues to reshape the international balance of power. In this new era, Türkiye distinguishes itself thanks to its diplomatic activity. Indeed, the country has been so important that the Western media, which constantly refer to President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan as “the sultan,” cannot help but concede that cooperation with Türkiye is absolutely necessary. Surely enough, all eyes turned to Erdoğan when the world needed a broker between Russia and Ukraine, someone needed to create a "grain corridor" in the Black Sea and when Sweden and Finland applied for NATO membership.
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The debate on whom can govern in Türkiye
The main source of disagreement between Türkiye's government and the opposition relates to which side could govern better. Alternatively, it is about the claim that the opposite side cannot govern properly. As Türkiye inches toward next year’s elections, that theme dominates domestic politics week in and week out.
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The Assistant Editor of Insight Turkey and Researcher of SETA Foundation, Gloria Shkurti Özdemir attended virtually to Andy Boyns’s news program in A News, to clear the questionmarks about the latest NATO Summit and the trilateral memorandum between Türkiye, Finland and Sweden.
Türkiye has done is stop blocking NATO's extension of an invitation to the countries. In other words, their accession process has just started, not ended.
The visit had global-level dynamics. On one hand, both countries want to decrease their respective dependencies on global powers and need to cooperate with one another. On the other hand, they want to increase their global autonomy. They have begun to instrumentalize a global power against the other.
Türkiye’s influence has been growing, globally and regionally, as a balancing power. In this sense, Ankara must refrain from becoming a party to regional polarization while remaining active in the region.
NATO's critical Madrid summit and Türkiye
Türkiye emerges as a power that generates stability and security in its neighborhood – Central Asia, the Caucasus, the Balkans, the Middle East, the Gulf and North Africa.
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NATO at the Crossroads
In this collection of essays, we discuss how NATO can overcome strategic challenges and recalibrate the strength of the alliance under the new geopolitical circumstances. The essays in this report focus on NATO’s transformations after the Ukraine war and attempt to understand Türkiye’s foreign policy alternatives within the context of its relations with the West, Russia, and NATO.
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This paper consists of two main parts. In the first part, it explains the main priorities that NATO is focusing on by elaborating on the Russian attack on Ukraine, the China challenge, and the changing character of military and non-military threats. In the second part, the paper delivers a framework to make sense of why Türkiye particularly attaches unique significance to some issues. It concludes that Türkiye will continue to support NATO endeavors but the country expects its allies to cooperate on counterterrorism efforts and also expects calibrated and meaningful engagement in Greek-Turkish disagreements.
Türkiye's reservations against Finland and Sweden's membership emanate from Ankara's long-standing frustration over Western tolerance and support for the PKK/YPG
The NATO allies need to make rational decisions to promote intra-alliance solidarity at the Madrid summit.
This analysis examines the reasons behind Greece’s policy of escalating tension and whether that policy has any legal ground.
Athens must restore the demilitarized status of the islands without further delay – unless it wants its sovereignty over the Eastern Aegean islands to be called into question.
Turkey never ceases to debate 'identity politics' around elections. In previous elections, political parties tapped into distinctions between religious and secular citizens, Sunnis and Alevis, or Turks and Kurds, in open or veiled manners, to influence voters.
The United States and the European Union had been exploiting the Middle Eastern context to prevent Turkey from following an assertive and autonomous foreign policy. After the changing dynamics in the world and the normalization process in the Middle East, most regional actors, including Turkey, have restructured their foreign relations in order to adjust their relations according to the new balances.
Greece's militarization of the islands contradicts the Lausanne Peace Treaty's purposes. Thus, Türkiye has a right to suspend Article 12 of the Treaty
Obviously, the governing party bears responsibility for any action it takes – or does not. What really needs to be discussed is why the opposition cannot represent an alternative despite that baggage. The opposition seems to underestimate its own ability to make new points to target the government, instead fueling fears and concern.
To ensure that the 2023 election competition does not lead to the alienation of any religious and ethnic groups or sects, all parties, politicians and opinion leaders in Turkey must make a special effort
President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan has harshly criticized the Gezi Park riots in his recent public speeches, as he asked Kemal Kılıçdaroğlu, the main opposition Republican People’s Party (CHP) chairperson, whether the main opposition leader would contest the presidential election.
On May 29, the leaders of six opposition parties met for the fourth time and unveiled a list of 'fundamental principles and objectives.' Supporters of the Future Party (GP) and the Democracy and Progress Party (DEVA) attached particular importance to the declaration, portraying the move as the relevant parties agreeing on a common vision – in addition to their previous proposal for an 'augmented' parliamentary system.
The upcoming three elections in Turkey, the U.S. and Greece are important and interrelated in terms of the interaction between domestic politics and foreign policy
