Political Roadmap after Gezi Park Protests
As Gezi Park protests became politicized in a short time, the social aspect of the protests did not get adequate coverage and protests bequeathed a significant political legacy.
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Democratization Pains
Both what the future democratization efforts entail and how expedient they will be depend, not on Erdoğan administration, but on the opposition. Unless the opposition makes a move soon, democratization in Turkey will have to come gradually in “mini democratization packages”.
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Both Egyptian and Turkish armies have wielded disproportionate influence on the political course of their respective countries. Their roles were not confined to security sectors, as expected from an army in a democratic political sphere.
One should not expect a cure-all magic package but appreciate every single positive step because improvements take place through small steps extended over a period of time in Turkey.
In fact, the evidence suggests the contrary and that it is the Muslim democrats in the current government who initiated direct talks with the Kurds, the Alevis and the Roma people in Turkey for the first time in the Republic's history.
The media sectorÂ’s relationship with the government is not the only problem it faces today. The media establishment, media bosses and journalists are shaped by their ideological tendencies, as well as the governmentsÂ’ positions.
The Search for a Democratic Government Without the Ballot Box
If being a majority will never give an edge and if the majority will not get any respect from the minority, as the liberal-leftist conception of democracy suggests, should we not start talking about the danger of “minority dictatorship” rather than “tyranny of the majority”?
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Why Turkey Needs a Better Opposition
Why do the protestors, a significant majority of whom voted for the CHP, feel under represented? Why should the CHP constituency feel less represented than before?
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An examination of Turkey and the Arab Spring protests via the main slogans and goals along with a cursory analysis of their political histories is enough to point out their difference in nature.
There are four main emotions that the Gezi Park protesters were moved by: elitism, defeat, despair- hopelessness and fear-paranoia.
Now it is time to adopt a calmer approach while analyzing the Gezi Park protests. Since the beginning of the protests, not only the composition but also the motive and aim of the protesters have gradually changed.
Since the beginning of the protests, not only the composition but also the motive and aim of the protesters have gradually changed.
The Syria crisis, among else, became a mechanism to tame TurkeyÂ’s self-confidence in the region. Similarly, the riots in Taksim and elsewhere in the 2nd phase were used by some regional and global actors to give a clear warning to Turkey.
What will shape politics and the society in Turkey from now on is not the identity of those who were in Taksim, but who they represented both qualitatively and quantitatively.
Are the current protests in Turkey the product of democratisation that has taken place over the last decade?
If ErdoÄŸan can overcome 19th century positivism, then we can have our participatory democracy and ErdoÄŸan can finally be free of accusations of totalitarianism.
An analysis on the identity and message of the protesters should take into consideration the heterogeneity of protesters.
