In the aftermath of the local elections, the conflict with the parallel structure needs to be addressed in a setting where democratic freedom is not restricted. This is also a requirement of the AK Party's own contributions to the consolidation of Turkish democracy.

When the race for the March 30 elections began, there were at most 15-17 swing vote cities that were up for grabs. In all but one of these swing the race was between the AK Party and only one other opposition party.

Consequently, our political discussions cannot seem to free themselves from Kemalism and Third Worldism, which consist of two factors.

Once again, Turkey is bracing itself for an extremely tense and contentious atmosphere of political debate as we approach what is undoubtedly the most critical municipal election in recent years.

One of the most significant elections in Turkey's recent political history is over. These are the first elections after the Gezi Park incidents of last year and the Dec.17 operation against the government and the last elections before the first direct presidential elections will be held.

Turkey's local elections which looked more like parliamentary elections are finally behind us. Never had an election season in the country's history been so aggressive and tense.

The MHP's inability to create a presence in metropolitan cities was the main cause of the party's dismay on March 30.

The criminalization of the Gülen Movement in the context of the struggle with the parallel structure might conclude with the other-ization of the movement.

It is necessary to contemplate and understand why, in the face of such radical changes, Turkey's political map, party choices have remained the same.

The biggest obstacle standing in front of the opposition to expand its constituency geographically is its unwillingness to break out of its comfort zone.

Since December 2013, there has been an increasing power struggle in Turkey between two former allies, the Gülen Movement and the ruling AK Party.

The decision thus rests with none but Fethullah Gülen and his followers: Do they want to be a religious community and civic organization, or do they aspire to overthrow governments and blackmail politicians with illegally acquired secrets?

Turkey must complete its reconciliation process with the Kurds, reinforce local administrations and initiate further democratization initiatives.

Turkey has enough academic and intellectual capacity to identify the inconsistencies embedded in these biased neocolonial interventions. For fair and patient observers, Turkey continues to be a story of hope and transformative dynamism.

As PM Erdoğan emerged as a front runner in the upcoming presidential race in August 2014, opposition parties continue to resist any meaningful debate about the country's political system.

Is the approval of the regional autonomy really the case when the 2014 elections are considered? What do the 2014 elections tell us about the future of the peace process?

Ever since the general elections of June 12, 2011, even without knowing how exactly events would unfold, it was not difficult to see that 2014 stood to become a very difficult political long year.