The regional actors are roughly divided into two camps. All regional administrations, except Turkey, are fighting over each other to extend the life of the Sykes-Picot order.
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Such a development will prevent the recurrence of current debates on the conduct of monetary policy and place it on a firm socio-political footing.
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Reviewing and questioning policies is a level that can improve Turkey's democracy. It could even prompt reactions and expectations from pro-government groups.
A series of meetings, talks and statements since then, coupled with last weekend's workshop in Diyarbakır, indicate that the talks have either entered or are on the verge of a new stage.
That Turkey was going to face a tripartite campaign race during 2014-2015 has been known since the Constitutional Court ruling on the amendments to the electoral laws in 2012.
For the first time in history, a Turkish leader has gone to Germany to hold election rallies and address a Turkish audience.
The mine explosion in Soma which claimed 301 lives gave new life to an old debate about Turkish society's capacity for solidarity.
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If Erdoğan is nominated and becomes president, in his capacity as the popularly elected president, he will continue to work with the government he has spearheaded.
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AKP will retain power in Turkey only if it consolidates its party institutions and expands its constituency.
Turkey is witnessing new versions of authoritarianism debates on its way to presidential elections.
The opposition's pursuit of a unity candidate, already plagued with a number of practical problems, also goes against the nature of democratic politics by alienating the AK Party and promoting further polarization in Turkish politics.
Turkey is faced with a public diplomacy problem which it has never faced before in all of its history: A diasporic opposition that is hierarchically organized and ruled from the USA.
In contrast, analyses on Turkish-American relations keep an eye on concrete policies - which results in a highly visible discrepancy between the two views.
The Ak Party which integrated a discourse of civilization with Erdoğan's leadership, has the courage to confront all fears of the history of Turkish modernization.
The Gülen movement is trying to sell its version of a snapshot of Turkish politics alongside the Kemalists. Those who are willing to take up the role of the native informant certainly find a number of venues in which to perform in Washington D.C.
As PM Erdoğan emerged as a front runner in the upcoming presidential race in August 2014, opposition parties continue to resist any meaningful debate about the country's political system.
Turkey has enough academic and intellectual capacity to identify the inconsistencies embedded in these biased neocolonial interventions. For fair and patient observers, Turkey continues to be a story of hope and transformative dynamism.
Turkey must complete its reconciliation process with the Kurds, reinforce local administrations and initiate further democratization initiatives.
The decision thus rests with none but Fethullah Gülen and his followers: Do they want to be a religious community and civic organization, or do they aspire to overthrow governments and blackmail politicians with illegally acquired secrets?