The German government's efforts to whitewash FETÖ, which staged a coup attempt last year, shows Berlin's disrespect toward Turkish democracy

Surprising developments are afoot in the world. A terrorist organisation that claims to be Muslim is shedding blood around the world, including in Turkey.

The German resolution does not help in the improvement of the relations between Turkey and Germany; it only encourages Armenia to deny any possible discussion with Turkey.

The overdue EU attempt to find a solution to the Syrian civil war and its resulting crises, aided by Ankara, is an opportunity for European values to end the ambiguity of its stance

SETA PUBLIC LECTURE By  Ulaş Doğa Eralp,  Visiting Assistant Professor of Conflict Resolution, Sabancı University Date: July 8, 2010 Thursday  Time: 16.00 – 18.00 Venue: SETA Foundation, Ankara

Turkey’s rapid transition from a buffer state position to a pro-active and multi-dimensional diplomatic activism has led to ambiguities on the aim, intention and realism of the recent Turkish foreign policy.

One often gets this question from academics and experts: What will be the framework of international relations in the 21st century? Will it be determined by "hard instruments" such as energy, security and population?

During a visit to the United States that preceded President Barack Obama's visit to Turkey, Ahmet Davutoglu, chief advisor to Turkey's prime minister, stated that "Our approach and principles are almost the same, very similar to the US on issues such as the Middle East, Caucasus, Balkans and energy security.

Turkey's relations with NATO in parallel to signs that the United States and the European Union have embarked on a process of greater transatlantic integration demands closer attention

The birth pangs of a new human geography and geographic imagination are being felt across the Middle East. As the ethnic and sectarian models of cultural and political identities are being questioned, new patterns of cultural affinity and association are emerging with a new sense of shared history and common geography.         

I get this question all the time: how does Turkey do it? In international relations, Turkey wants to be a member of the European Union, continue its partnership with the US, have good relations with Russia and Iran, be fully involved in Iraq and the larger Middle East, increase its presence in the Balkans and central Asia and open up to Africa and Latin America. Domestically, Turkey wants to strengthen its democracy, improve its human rights record, continue its economic development, find a solution to the Kurdish problem and ease the tensions between religion and the Turkish state.  

Joe Biden was selected as Barack Obama’s vice presidential candidate largely because of his expertise in foreign policy.  Traditionally, in U.S. politics, Dick Cheney-like strong vice presidents are exception, not the rule. It is wiser to focus on Obama’s foreign policy outlook rather than Biden’s, which would benefit Turkey in the long run with its realistic tendencies. Biden’s voting pattern, as it is displayed in three different issues (Cyprus-Armenian Issue-Iraq) does not seem friendly to the Turkish position. However, Biden as a statesman would not create extra problems for Turkey at the expense of U.S national interests. In all of these issues, the person that should be watched carefully is Obama, not Biden. Spending more energy to analyze Obama’s geopolitical priorities can benefit Turkey in the long run.

The excitement Turkey generates in the Arab world and beyond (the Balkans, Europe and parts of Africa can easily be added to the list) seems to be sustained by the confluence of substantial changes in three areas: Turkey, the region and the world.

Turkey's increasing engagement within its region from the Balkans to the Middle East is indicative of a new perspective on the new regional and international dynamics.

Kosovo’s independence has revealed shifting strategic landscapes, security concerns and domestic developments in regional and international politics with significant implications for all actors in the region. Russia calculated to restore its lost ‘superpower’ status and control Serbia’s strategic oil industries. Turkey’s prompt recognition of independence increased its impact and prevented a stronger Greek-Serb-Russian axis in the region, while strengthening its Western identity.  Kosovo’s independence will be a test case for keeping peace and stability in the Balkans within the new dynamics of regional and international politics.

2007 was no ordinary year for Turkey. Turkish democracy went through major trials. Turkish society became more confident in the exercise of its democratic rights. The Turkish economy continued to grow. Turkey became more active in regional politics. Stability and prosperity shifted the focus from narrow ideological debates to a larger vision for Turkey in the 21st century. But are any of these a guarantee for more progress in Turkey? To put it more bluntly, are the events of 2007 a temporary change of climate, or do they point to a deep-seated change in Turkish politics and society?

Russia and the Islamic World explore various fields of co-operation in the context of a changing international environment wherein a search for new allies and strategic partners are an ongoing reality. In order to facilitate discussions on possible avenues of partnership, Group of Strategic Vision “Russia-Islamic World” consisting high level members from Russia and some OIV countries was formed few years ago. The Third Meeting of the Group of Strategic Vision “Russia-Islamic World” was convened on February 2-3, 2007 in Istanbul,