Whose Responsibility is the Formation of a New Constitution?

Turkey, which has experienced a number of military interventions and coup attempts, needs to rewrite the current constitution which is ironically the product of the Sept. 12 military coup.

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Whose Responsibility is the Formation of a New Constitution
Kurdish Nationalist Demand for Legal Status

Kurdish Nationalist Demand for Legal Status

The HDP made significant progress in the political arena, but it must keep in mind that a toxic mix of violence and cross-national alliances will not secure legal status for their voters.

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It appears that the matter of struggle against the PKK will continue to be the primary issue on the political agenda. At this point, the attitude the HDP will take is of the utmost importance.

The results of the elections show that the AK Party received another election victory.

The CHP, MHP and the HDP, have all constructed their political discourse on otherizing the AK Party at every level, yet still each of them sees the party as its partner in a possible coalition government.

The political and economic foundations of New Turkey are not crumbling; in fact they have proved resilient and continue to withstand multiple challenges. The social fabric proved resistant against divisive political rhetoric and provocative calls for mass revolts against the public order.

The Effect of the Ankara Attack on Turkey

The HDP sees the latest wave of attacks as a window of opportunity to support its anti-Erdoğan propaganda for the Nov. 1 elections. However, this discourse only benefits the West's campaign to smear Turkey

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The Effect of the Ankara Attack on Turkey
What The Killers Want

What The Killers Want

We have hope for the future nonetheless, because Turkey has made significant progress over the years and has what it takes to overcome the current challenges.

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The revolt of Tuğrul Türkeş, a member of the MHP and son of the legendary founder of the party, Alparslan Türkeş, against MHP leader Bahçeli, by accepting PM Davutoğlu's offer to join the caretaker government despite Bahçeli's harsh opposition, is a hope for the members who have long been unhappy with their leader's politics.

Hoping that the PYD will deal with ISIS in the region does not seem to be realistic and, furthermore, could generate further destabilizing ethnic tensions in the region.

Referring to the declared-illegal Gülen organization, SETA-İstanbul General Coordinator Fahrettin Altun asserts that the Illegal Structure muddies the political arena by manipulations.

As the HDP lacks necessary experience to focus on religion and popular demands in their election campaigns, it is impossible for the Kurdish political movement to compete with the AK Party at the national level

Erdoğan's victory on Aug. 10, despite serious attempts to undermine his administration, marks the beginning of a new era in Turkish politics.

The Turkish people not only elected Erdogan, but they also voted against the founding ideology of the Republic.

Erdoğan's speech suggests that he desires to promote his notion of citizenship in the New Turkey. However, winning the presidential race also provided him with the legitimacy and opportunity to fully implement reforms for the Kurds and the Alevi community.

The opposition leadership, however, continued to rely on the political engineering skills of their allies and sought to exploit the anti-Erdoğan sentiments of their base instead of setting out a concrete roadmap for the future.

In the future, the 2014 presidential election in Turkey will serve as an oftencited example of the difference between political engineering and genuine politics.

The Demirtaş campaign serves the Kurdish political movement's efforts to turn an ethnically-oriented, regional political party into a national force and to reach out to non-Kurdish voters - which is why they recently established the Peoples' Democratic Party (HDP).

There are three presidential candidates, but actually only two of them are running and the other one keeps saying that "he will not be involved in politics."

A series of meetings, talks and statements since then, coupled with last weekend's workshop in Diyarbakır, indicate that the talks have either entered or are on the verge of a new stage.

If universities want to hold their special positions granted to them by the society, then they must be ahead, not behind, of the society in their search for the truth.