The President of the SETA Foundation Taha Özhan said that Turkey offers a road map for Egypt.
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In fact, the evidence suggests the contrary and that it is the Muslim democrats in the current government who initiated direct talks with the Kurds, the Alevis and the Roma people in Turkey for the first time in the Republic's history.
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The media sectors relationship with the government is not the only problem it faces today. The media establishment, media bosses and journalists are shaped by their ideological tendencies, as well as the governments positions.
If being a majority will never give an edge and if the majority will not get any respect from the minority, as the liberal-leftist conception of democracy suggests, should we not start talking about the danger of minority dictatorship rather than tyranny of the majority?
The Kurdish grassroots almost completely supporting the solution process of the Kurdish question will also question for how long , from here on, they will continue to bear with the Kurdish political elites who have difficulty to convey the PKK leader Abdullah Öcalans message.
The events of July 3 represent nothing but pure political pornography. The sole truth and reality remains: Mohamed Morsi, the elected president of Egypt, lost his power to a military junta and its international solidarity networks.
An examination of Turkey and the Arab Spring protests via the main slogans and goals along with a cursory analysis of their political histories is enough to point out their difference in nature.
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There are four main emotions that the Gezi Park protesters were moved by: elitism, defeat, despair- hopelessness and fear-paranoia.
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Now it is time to adopt a calmer approach while analyzing the Gezi Park protests. Since the beginning of the protests, not only the composition but also the motive and aim of the protesters have gradually changed.
The leftists and the liberals possess the necessary models that can make an abstract question out of all problems and then solve them with the primitive positivist models of 19th century.
It is certain that the character assassination targeting PM Erdoğan through the Gezi Park protests does not expect to reach a conclusion right now. The aim of the character assassination is to obliterate Erdoğans decision-making capacity by 2015. At this point, Erdoğans leadership test begins.
The Syria crisis, among else, became a mechanism to tame Turkeys self-confidence in the region. Similarly, the riots in Taksim and elsewhere in the 2nd phase were used by some regional and global actors to give a clear warning to Turkey.
What will shape politics and the society in Turkey from now on is not the identity of those who were in Taksim, but who they represented both qualitatively and quantitatively.
If we are seriously to talk about the last two weeks, there is nothing but a huge political inaptitude in front of us.
Are the current protests in Turkey the product of democratisation that has taken place over the last decade?
If Erdoğan can overcome 19th century positivism, then we can have our participatory democracy and Erdoğan can finally be free of accusations of totalitarianism.
An analysis on the identity and message of the protesters should take into consideration the heterogeneity of protesters.
In its capacity as a wake-up call for all, the demonstrations will go down in Turkeys political history as a constructive, democratic statement if all parties work together to establish common ground for dialogue and progress.