Is the approval of the regional autonomy really the case when the 2014 elections are considered? What do the 2014 elections tell us about the future of the peace process?
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The Ak Party which integrated a discourse of civilization with Erdoğan's leadership, has the courage to confront all fears of the history of Turkish modernization.
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Turkey viewed the Arab awakenings as a positive development for both the region and for itself.
Prime Minister Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, since his outburst at Davos, has been declared to be totalitarian in Western media organs, mostly by pro-Israel pundits.
The discourse of "new Turkey" has repeatedly appeared during historical turning points of the Turkish Republic. It is used for the sake of different interests by local and foreign circles.
In an atmosphere where the Kurdish issue is interpreted as Turkey's most important political problem aside from terror, the position and responsibility of both the government and the Kurdish political movement is growing.
Despite the lengthy history of the Kurdish question, the persistent coexistence of various political approaches failed to create a mutually acceptable term to describe the issue at hand.
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The biggest struggle of Turkish politics today takes place between those who have lived the 1990s and those who have gone through the 2010s. Not only are their visions of the future but also their perceptions of power are in conflict.
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The legitimate politics is being attacked by judicial time bombs. All the bombs were set in and at different locations and times, and have been exploded simultaneously on the eve of 2014, the year that is expected to be Turkeys year of destiny.
The political performance presented in the Diyarbakır visit of Massoud Barzani, President of the Kurdish Regional Administration in Northern Iraq, and of Erdoğan will create an effect of clearing the early reservations of the Kurdish Movement about the political ground and political strength of Erdoğan.
The most striking characteristic of the last five years is the Erdoğan momentum that has developed a constituent politics and created significant structural turning points when impasses occur.
Taha Özhan: Hosting Massoud Barzani in Diyarbakır is a significant turning point which has a consistent decade-old background history, and we may regard it as an ultimate-point for the state.
Barzani, particularly for the last month, made his stance against PYD known. Not to mention, Barzani has been seizing on to a deep strategic alliance with Turkey in the recent years.
The Turkish-Kurdish peace process is facing challenges which can be ironed out only through politics not violence.
Unless the PKK perceives disarmament, not as leverage, but as the key to its own bargaining chip, it will not be able to achieve any founding political vision.
As one Kurdish issue is being resolved, another is being created. The new Kurdish issue is nothing but the PKKs Kurdish issue.
In the multi-phased peace process, we face an entity that keeps employing unreasonable provocations in the withdrawal phase, the first leg of a road map on which their leader proceeds through consensus.
In the last few years, the Kurdish alienation has deepened more with the cunning of the PKK-PYD and the support of the Arab nationalism that has risen in the region with the occupation of Iraq.
The Kurdish grassroots almost completely supporting the solution process of the Kurdish question will also question for how long , from here on, they will continue to bear with the Kurdish political elites who have difficulty to convey the PKK leader Abdullah Öcalans message.
A wish for the AK Party to be thrown out of power through undemocratic means is not a stance that can bring about meaningful political change. Its a psychological reflex from a bygone era.