Such a development will prevent the recurrence of current debates on the conduct of monetary policy and place it on a firm socio-political footing.
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A series of meetings, talks and statements since then, coupled with last weekend's workshop in Diyarbakır, indicate that the talks have either entered or are on the verge of a new stage.
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That Turkey was going to face a tripartite campaign race during 2014-2015 has been known since the Constitutional Court ruling on the amendments to the electoral laws in 2012.
As we are at the first anniversary of the "Gezi Park" incidents that truly shocked the whole nation, it seems imperative to take stock of the critical 12 months that have elapsed since then from an economic perspective.
The mine explosion in Soma which claimed 301 lives gave new life to an old debate about Turkish society's capacity for solidarity.
The peace process has so far led the movement to prioritize political participation over armed struggle as part of a broader notion of seeking representation as a left party with ethnic overtones.
In addition to having the power to influence the other elections, the president-elect who emerges from the presidential election, as the first president to have been elected by popular vote, will have to be a different kind of president.
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The opposition's pursuit of a unity candidate, already plagued with a number of practical problems, also goes against the nature of democratic politics by alienating the AK Party and promoting further polarization in Turkish politics.
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Ever since the general elections of June 12, 2011, even without knowing how exactly events would unfold, it was not difficult to see that 2014 stood to become a very difficult political long year.
Is the approval of the regional autonomy really the case when the 2014 elections are considered? What do the 2014 elections tell us about the future of the peace process?
As PM Erdoğan emerged as a front runner in the upcoming presidential race in August 2014, opposition parties continue to resist any meaningful debate about the country's political system.
Turkey has enough academic and intellectual capacity to identify the inconsistencies embedded in these biased neocolonial interventions. For fair and patient observers, Turkey continues to be a story of hope and transformative dynamism.
Turkey must complete its reconciliation process with the Kurds, reinforce local administrations and initiate further democratization initiatives.
The decision thus rests with none but Fethullah Gülen and his followers: Do they want to be a religious community and civic organization, or do they aspire to overthrow governments and blackmail politicians with illegally acquired secrets?
The biggest obstacle standing in front of the opposition to expand its constituency geographically is its unwillingness to break out of its comfort zone.
Since December 2013, there has been an increasing power struggle in Turkey between two former allies, the Gülen Movement and the ruling AK Party.
It is necessary to contemplate and understand why, in the face of such radical changes, Turkey's political map, party choices have remained the same.
The criminalization of the Gülen Movement in the context of the struggle with the parallel structure might conclude with the other-ization of the movement.
The MHP's inability to create a presence in metropolitan cities was the main cause of the party's dismay on March 30.
Turkey's local elections which looked more like parliamentary elections are finally behind us. Never had an election season in the country's history been so aggressive and tense.