What will shape politics and the society in Turkey from now on is not the identity of those who were in Taksim, but who they represented both qualitatively and quantitatively.
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If we are seriously to talk about the last two weeks, there is nothing but a huge political inaptitude in front of us.
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Are the current protests in Turkey the product of democratisation that has taken place over the last decade?
Unless the emerging picture of the last ten days leave the world of psychological stresses, camouflaged objections and selfish sensitivities behind, and is not transformed into a clear political position, it will not leave a long lasting impression in the world of politics except psychological tensions.
Most of the evaluations that have been made by the media and political circles regarding Turkish foreign policy in Syria have three characteristics in common: They are void of Syria, baseless and conspiratorial.
Judging from the scene revealed by the ruling Justice and Development Party (AK Party), the paradigm has bankrupted and the transition to a new order has already begun since the world of friends and enemies who stood by the tutelage regime for years is totally confused now.
Erdoğan carried the country away from an undeclared bankruptcy into a great transformation in 10 years.
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Öcalan has recognized the fact that Turkeys democratic consolidation would be delayed as long as the PKK continued to hold arms.
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As the parties take a political-stress-test in the solution process, all of the actors who fail to play a founding-role will have to suffer structural fractures, independently of the survival or success of the process.
The dynamics of the current political climate in Turkey, which make impossible to create a new Constitution based on consensus among political parties, can be discussed under three headings.
The old Turkeys only actor who has changed neither radically nor genuinely, nor has even discussed the change, is the Turkish mainstream media.
The peace process will give us the opportunity to devise a more assertive and broader future by reconstructing a common we on a more righteous and healthier ground.
Turkey, needs assure that the Kurdish peoples, independent from the PKK, can exist on the agenda on a positive note in the post Assad period.
Kemalism has maintained its course through a kind of political reincarnation and via different groups of elites. Today, we face a similar picture under several headings, from the Syrian revolt to the solution of the Kurdish question.
As Turkey suffers century-old political issues, the main opposition Republican Peoples Party (CHP) spends its political energy over inner-party conflicts.
The re-initiation of the İmralı talks is putting the political parties of the new Turkey through a very realistic test, albeit unintentionally.
If the PKK turns into a political actor and gives way to legal political channels, Turkey with this century-old political energy will not only guarantee social peace in a short period of time but also strengthen economic and political stability.
Today the PKK has to step up and pay the price for its role as an obstacle along Turkish peoples path to the democratic standards they desire.
During Ergenekon hearing, CHP deputies joined forces with radical left actors including the Workers Party (İP) and the TGB.
The PKK, which missed by a long shot the transformation both Turkey and the Middle East undertook as evidence by the more blood it continues to shed, will continue to be a burden to the Kurds.