As for now, the Turkish Central Bank stands loyal to its neoliberal legal framework and continues to aim for inflation control at the expense of other macroeconomic goals.
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Simply being anti-Recep Tayyip Erdoğan cannot account for the toxic blend of anger and disempowerment that those who expect so-called social explosions, such as the Gezi Park protests, in the new year.
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The business elite in TÜSİAD circles never saw the AK Party governments as a natural partner with whom they could forge a long-term and strategic developmental alliance.
This is not about to listen to, or understand, what Davutoğlu says. This is about defining and positioning a speculative other, the AK Party.
In democratic regimes, how do political parties and leaders with prolonged tenures shelter themselves from the devastating effects of governing?
Having successfully overcome internal and external crises in its first decade in power, the AK Party must now prepare for coming challenges while keeping its legacy in mind.
If street violence undermines the nation's security and stability, the country might end up short of a stable environment to build a more democratic political system.
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The HDP's call for supporters to rally on the streets raises serious doubts regarding its commitment to the reconciliation process.
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Turkey is going through challenging times from a number of angles, but fortunately, there is sufficient political and administrative capacity as well as crisis management experience to overcome these challenges.
Erdoğan's victory on Aug. 10, coupled with Davutoğlu's emergence as the AK Party's new chairman, proved the opposition's attempts futile.
The new paradigm should prioritize improvements in national savings and productivity increases in advanced manufacturing sectors via comprehensive investments in elite human potential, new forms of infrastructure and technological capacity.
In the future, the 2014 presidential election in Turkey will serve as an oftencited example of the difference between political engineering and genuine politics.
AK Party governments spearheaded most of the critical reforms expanding the rights of most disadvantaged groups such as devout Muslims, ethnic Kurds and religious minorities in Turkish society.
Such a development will prevent the recurrence of current debates on the conduct of monetary policy and place it on a firm socio-political footing.
Reviewing and questioning policies is a level that can improve Turkey's democracy. It could even prompt reactions and expectations from pro-government groups.
A series of meetings, talks and statements since then, coupled with last weekend's workshop in Diyarbakır, indicate that the talks have either entered or are on the verge of a new stage.
One year has passed since the Gezi Park protests, which began on May 31, 2013 and rapidly evolved into a wave of mass demonstrations and died down after approximately two weeks.
As we are at the first anniversary of the "Gezi Park" incidents that truly shocked the whole nation, it seems imperative to take stock of the critical 12 months that have elapsed since then from an economic perspective.
The mine explosion in Soma which claimed 301 lives gave new life to an old debate about Turkish society's capacity for solidarity.
A critical political juncture in the wake of presidential and general elections will be held within less than a year.
In the years after the AKP came to power in November 2002, however, an active struggle against the military-bureaucratic grip on politics led to the eradication of the old regime and a gradual democratisation of the political system.