This article aims at presenting a descriptive account of the March 2009 local elections in Turkey. Comparing the general and local elections since 2004, an overall evaluation of trends in electoral preferences is presented. Using provincial general council election results, a detailed geographical comparative analysis of the 2004 and 2009 local elections is also carried out. The analyses show that the AKP’s rise has stalled but it still remains as the dominant power in the party system. The electoral map continues to be divided between the coastal western and most developed provinces where the opposition is significantly supported, the east and southeastern provinces where the Kurdish ethnic electoral support is rising and the more conservative provinces in between where the AKP continues to be dominant with the MHP trailing behind. Even though the March 2009 elections had all the characteristics of a local election, they also revel the rising trends in electoral behaviour in Turkey.

Çağımızın ruhunu yansıtan kavramların başında gelen çoğulculuk 90’lı yıllardaki heyecanını yitirmiş görünüyor. Batılı ülkelerin tehdit algılarıyla genişleyip daralan çoğulculuk, hoşgörü ve çok kültürlülük kavramları, 11 Eylül’den sonra yeni bir boyut kazandı. Çoğulculuk politikalarını pratik kaygılarla eleştirenler, artık çoğulculuk söylemlerine ilke düzeyinde de karşı çıkıyorlar. Batının bugünkü çoğulculuk tartışmalarının sınırlarını, 11 Eylül sonrasında yükselişe geçen güvenlik algıları belirliyor.

A historic step was taken in Rome last week. The first seminar of the Catholic-Muslim Forum was held on Nov. 4-6 at the Vatican with the participation of about 60 Muslim and Catholic religious leaders and scholars from around the world.

A new Pew report has brought alarming news: Anti-Jewish and anti-Muslim attitudes are on the rise in Europe. While the negative view of Muslims is higher than that of Jews, there is an interesting correlation between the two.

2007 was no ordinary year for Turkey. Turkish democracy went through major trials. Turkish society became more confident in the exercise of its democratic rights. The Turkish economy continued to grow. Turkey became more active in regional politics. Stability and prosperity shifted the focus from narrow ideological debates to a larger vision for Turkey in the 21st century. But are any of these a guarantee for more progress in Turkey? To put it more bluntly, are the events of 2007 a temporary change of climate, or do they point to a deep-seated change in Turkish politics and society?

On Oct. 11, a historic letter was sent out to the world’s Christian community. The letter was signed by 138 leading Muslim scholars and academics across the world. Titled “A Common Word Between Us and You,” it was addressed to Christian leaders of various denominations including Pope Benedict XVI, Greek Orthodox Patriarch Bartholomew I, Archbishop of Canterbury Dr. Rowan Williams, Presiding Bishop of the Evangelical Lutheran Church in America and President of the Lutheran World Federation Mark S. Hanson, World Methodist Council General Secretary Rev. George H. Freeman, Baptist World Alliance President Rev. David Coffey, World Alliance of Reformed Churches General Secretary Rev. Setri Nyomi and other Christian figures in leadership positions. The letter was also addressed to all Christians of the world. The full text of the letter, the list of signatories, recipients, responses and media reports can be found on the official Web site www.acommonword.com  

As I write these words in the garden of the Cordoba Mosque in Spain, the centuries-old memory of Andalusia goes through my mind. Andalusia was the scene of the remarkable experience that medieval Spanish scholars called “convivencia,” or coexistence. Embracing diversity as a constructive challenge of fulfillment was the hallmark of Islamic Spain and the Andalusian culture embodied this spirit in the widest sense of the term.

According to the US News & World Report (Sept. 27), President Bush uses the words “Islamic terrorist” with a clear agenda: the words “extremism,” “radical” and “Muslim” do not have the same dramatic tone as “Islamist terrorist.” The report says that while Bush has lightened up on using the word “Islamic” before terrorists, the advisers said in the background that the word should always be used because Americans believe that “Islamists” are those who act on terrorist threats. Words to avoid are “Muslim,” “extremist” and “radicals.”

According to Louise Arbour, the United Nations high commissioner for human rights, bigotry and prejudice against Muslims is increasing in Europe. Arbour made a call to all governments to take action against racism and discrimination towards Muslim communities. Arbour’s remarks are based on a recent study by Doudou Diene of Senegal.

Nikolas Sarkozy, cumhurbaşkanlığı adaylığı açıklandıktan sonraki ilk demecinde “Türkiye’nin Avrupa Birliği’nde yeri yoktur” diyerek son yıllarda yükselen kültürcü söylemi ne kadar içselleştirdiğini bir kez daha göstermiş oldu. Avrupa’da, Türkiye’nin üyeliğine kuşku ile bakanlar veya tamamen karşı çıkanların öne sürdüğü itiraz nedenlerine bakıldığında karşımıza bazı korkular, önyargılar ve tehdit algılarının çıktığını görüyoruz. Türkiye’nin AB üyeliğine karşı kamuoyu oluşturmaya çalışanların her platformda dile getirdiği noktalar arasında Türkiye'nin nüfus büyüklüğü, hızlı nüfus artışı, genç nüfusun oransal yüksekliği, işsizlik, geleneksel ve kültürel kimlik farklılıkları ve Müslümanlık faktörü, Türkiye’nin Batı uygarlığının bir üyesi olmadığı ve karar alma mekanizmalarında sivil olmayan çevrelerin etkinlikleri gibi konuları saymak mümkün

In no period of recorded history have human beings known about different cultures as much as we do. Thanks to the pervasive nature of globalization, what happens in Washington, London or France has an immediate impact on what positions are taken in Istanbul, Cairo or Kuala Lumpur. Our global public space is so powerful yet also so elusive that it leads many to believe that more information brings more understanding. Getting to know each other from close up, however, is not always a smooth and easy experience. It may result in some pleasant surprises and enriching experiences. Yet it may also result in disappointment, frustration and mistrust. In the current state of relations between Muslim and Western societies, we are doomed when we refuse to recognize each other in one way or another. Yet, we also run up against tremendous difficulties when we show the courage and honesty of knowing each other closely for there is too long a history of doubt, mistrust and refusal.

Current developments and recent social and cultural transformations under the forces of globalization indicate that the prophecy of traditional secularization thesis seems to have failed to capture the ongoing influence of religion. Proponents of secularization thesis established an unavoidable and casual connection between the beginning of modernity and the decline of traditional forms of religious life. Generally speaking theorists of secularization process argued that religion would lose its influence on social and political life once the society absorbs the values and institutions of modernization. For B. Wilson for example “secularization relates to the diminution in the social significance of religion”. L. Shiner on the other hand, argued that the culmination of secularization would be religionless society.

Turkey has a unique experience in state formation, in formulating state-religion relations, but some painful periods in its history regarding democratization. The military intervention on Sept. 12, 1980 suspended Turkey's fragile democracy and caused a breakdown in party politics by banning all political parties and sending their leaders to trial. The first election after the military coup in 1983 was a turning point in Turkish political history, and the election results and subsequent government policies under Turgut Ozal's premiership changed the course of Turkish political culture for decades to come. Ozal's center-right liberal-conservative Motherland Party (then called ANAP, now ANAVATAN) launched a liberalization and democratization policy in Turkey, which facilitated the expression of Islam in the public sphere to a greater degree than before. As part of its policy, the government deleted Articles 141, 142 and 163 of the Constitution to lift obstacles to freedom of thought. ANAP also adopted a free market economy through a large-scale privatization movement.

Many observers fail to see the unique position of Turkey concerning state, society and religion mainly because they concentrate on recent reports in the mass media which usually focus on tensions and fears. Therefore analysis on these issues only touches the surface and fails to grasp the persistent multidimensional modern Turkey. Turkey occupies a unique place among modern nation states. Not only from a geopolitical point of view, but also from cultural and religious points of view. Turkey lies at the crossroads between Eastern and Western interests. The political and cultural identity of modern Turkey emerged under the influence of domestic and external forces that existed in and around Turkey throughout the centuries. Since modern Turkey was established on the remains of the Ottoman Empire, periods of conflict and cooperation between Turkey and other political entities, such as Europe and the Middle East, have led to the development of the modern Turkish state and influenced its move toward modernization.

There is a growing Muslim population in the very heart of Europe, where states are largely secular. Secularized European social life, political culture and the public sphere are all facing an enormous challenge of accommodating a relatively religious Muslim citizens coming from different Muslim countries. Despite settling in Europe and getting socialized here, many Muslims attach great importance to their sacred and religious values, trying to express their demands and identities in the public sphere.

Avrupa tarihi "öteki" ile yaşam tecrübesi konusunda sorunlarla doludur. Farklı dil, din ve ırklarla ortak ve birlikte yaşam sürme konusunda Avrupa'nın zengin bir deneyimi olduğu söylenemez. Bu nedenle farklı ve yabancı olanlar, topluma sonradan eklemlenenlere kuşku ile bakıldı. Avrupa tarihi bu açıdan bakıldığında büyük trajedilere de sahne oldu. Örneğin Almanya'da Avrupa'nın "ötekisi" olarak Yahudiler, 20. yüzyılın en büyük soykırımıma maruz kaldı. Avrupa'da zaman zaman nükseden Antisemitizmi önlemek için yasak düzenlemeler getirildi, ancak bu konuda kitlesel bilinç değişikliği yeterli düzeyde olmadığı ve "öteki" ile birlikte yaşama kültürü yeterince içselleştirilemediği için bugün bile antisemitizmin kökenleri kazınamadı.20. yüzyılın ikinci yarısından itibaren Avrupa'nın sosyal, demografik ve dini manzarasını değiştiren yeni gruplar da topluma eklemlenmeye başladı. Renkleri, dilleri ve dinleri farklı olan bu gruplar arasında en görünür ve belirgin olan Müslümanlar, Avrupa'nın yeni "ötekileri" olarak algılanmaya başlandı.

Islam is the fastest growing religion in the world. Today there are increasing numbers of Muslim diasporic communities in Europe. Since 9/11 Islam and Muslim communities were put under the spotlight and public gaze. Although numerous publications hit the bookshelves, a number of ill informed analyses of Islam and approaches to Muslim communities still dominate the popular public opinion in the West. Misperceptions about Islam and Muslims in particular gave rise to the essentialist views of this faith and its followers as fundamentalist, pro-violence, uncompromising and anti-Western. It is time to challenge the monolithic perception of Muslims in Europe and argue that Turkish Muslims constitute a changing diasporic community defying clichés and common stereotypes about Muslims. The Turkish community in Europe is part of the emerging ‘European Islam’ and has its own diversity in the expression of Turkish-Muslim identity.