How Obama's Failed Syria Policy Is the Next Guy's Problem
The Obama administration, having rejected the safe zone and other policies that could have helped moderates, seems intent on aggravating instability by supporting the YPG
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The US and YPG
Demographic engineering, war crimes and atrocities committed by the YPG is making it harder for the U.S. administration to support it, but still it does
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The U.S. must give up its 'saving the day-policy' and realize the long-term importance of engaging in Turkey's fight against the PKK's Syrian branch PYD
It is well-known that the YPG is tactically used by the PKK as an integral part of its irregular warfare strategy both in terms of man power band military equipment in the fight against the Turkish Armed Forces in eastern Turkey.
Currently, it is has started to be perceived that in the eastern part of the Syria, YPG operations are increasingly shaping U.S. policy.
The words "We ask God to rescue us from this suffering. I'm 53 years old and have seen enough.
Latest Arrangements for Syria's Future
Russia's close relation with the PYD concerns both Ankara and Washington. While Ankara is concerned about weapons that the PKK could obtain, the U.S. does not want the PYD to be included under Russia's influence in the region.
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The Downfall of the United Nations In Syria
The U.S. and Russia, two permanent members of the U.N. Security Council, have been caught fighting a proxy war in Syria on the pretext of fighting international terrorism.
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Turkey is the country to have most directly experienced the effects of the Syrian civil war, which allows terrorist organizations such as the PKK and ISIS to further expand their terrorist attacks within the country
The shocking aspect of the wave of terrorist violence that struck Turkey this week was that it originated from the radical-Islamist ISIS and secular-Kurdish nationalist PKK at the same time.
The Kurdish political movements in both Syria and Turkey should give up being pragmatists in order to have pragmatic gains. The Kurdish political movements should also give up being opportunists in order to benefit from the opportunities in the region.
A combination of obligations and concerns will determine the scope of the possible intervention in Syria.
Having silently stood by in the face of the Assad regimes numerous atrocities over the past two years, all global actors reacted to Assads use of chemical weapons against the civilian population. In this sense, none but Assad himself will be responsible for a possible foreign intervention.
Forget about the intervention against those who betray the norm, the United States does not even adopt a dissuasive strategy in Egypt; therefore, foundations of a period where the use of chemical weapons by authoritarian regimes would be treated as normal from now on have been laid.
SETA presents the analyses of SETA experts on Syria in order to better understand Syrian civil war which cost more than 100 thousand lives, injured more than 2 million people and displaced many others.
On March 22, a panel on the Syrian Revolution was organized and hosted by the Foundation for Political, Economic and Social Research (SETA) in Ankara. Panelists were two leading figures of the Syrian opposition.
The question of what kind of a Syria would be formed after the revolution is still a legitimate one for the US, and the US does not want to take action before finding a satisfactory answer in favor of its regional priorities.
A country which really wants to engage in a war would not have carried out an active diplomacy with Syria for six months and with international community for thirteen months.
High-ranking officers who were killed in the blast in Syria also took away the regimes immunity, the mutual trust of those in the regimes inner circle and the loyalty of the army.
Russia is now about to pay the cost for its decision to invest in al-Assad -- a decision Russia has difficulty justifying even to itself.
