The Russian invasion of Ukraine continues to reshape the international balance of power. In this new era, Türkiye distinguishes itself thanks to its diplomatic activity. Indeed, the country has been so important that the Western media, which constantly refer to President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan as “the sultan,” cannot help but concede that cooperation with Türkiye is absolutely necessary. Surely enough, all eyes turned to Erdoğan when the world needed a broker between Russia and Ukraine, someone needed to create a "grain corridor" in the Black Sea and when Sweden and Finland applied for NATO membership.
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The main source of disagreement between Türkiye's government and the opposition relates to which side could govern better. Alternatively, it is about the claim that the opposite side cannot govern properly. As Türkiye inches toward next year’s elections, that theme dominates domestic politics week in and week out.
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The opposition has been criticizing the memorandum that Turkey signed with Sweden and Finland at the NATO summit in Madrid. Their main argument is that the government bowed to pressure and made concessions.
Türkiye has done is stop blocking NATO's extension of an invitation to the countries. In other words, their accession process has just started, not ended.
Türkiye emerges as a power that generates stability and security in its neighborhood – Central Asia, the Caucasus, the Balkans, the Middle East, the Gulf and North Africa.
In this collection of essays, we discuss how NATO can overcome strategic challenges and recalibrate the strength of the alliance under the new geopolitical circumstances. The essays in this report focus on NATO’s transformations after the Ukraine war and attempt to understand Türkiye’s foreign policy alternatives within the context of its relations with the West, Russia, and NATO.
This paper consists of two main parts. In the first part, it explains the main priorities that NATO is focusing on by elaborating on the Russian attack on Ukraine, the China challenge, and the changing character of military and non-military threats. In the second part, the paper delivers a framework to make sense of why Türkiye particularly attaches unique significance to some issues. It concludes that Türkiye will continue to support NATO endeavors but the country expects its allies to cooperate on counterterrorism efforts and also expects calibrated and meaningful engagement in Greek-Turkish disagreements.
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Türkiye's reservations against Finland and Sweden's membership emanate from Ankara's long-standing frustration over Western tolerance and support for the PKK/YPG
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The NATO allies need to make rational decisions to promote intra-alliance solidarity at the Madrid summit.
The upcoming three elections in Turkey, the U.S. and Greece are important and interrelated in terms of the interaction between domestic politics and foreign policy
With his latest moves, Erdoğan is not starting a crisis but instead highlighting a framework for justice and a lasting alliance in Turkey’s relations with NATO, the U.S. and Greece
Considering Turkey’s geostrategic location and its military and political power, Western countries need to calculate the cost of alienating Ankara
Ankara's only condition is that Sweden, Finland and NATO members do not participate in campaigns that threaten Turkey's security, such as supporting PKK/YPG terrorists
Ankara does not oppose NATO’s expansion or the admission of Sweden and Finland categorically. It is perfectly normal, however, for Turkey to urge its allies to take into consideration its security concerns, which they have ignored countless times to date, at this particular time and to insist that they take action.
Ankara is not against NATO's expansion amid the Russia-Ukraine war but objects to Finland and Sweden's unacceptable policies on terrorist groups
There are five reasons why Turkey opposes the NATO bid of Sweden and Finland, the first of which is naturally both states' support for terrorism
Ankara endorses NATO’s key goals and wants the alliance to address its security concerns – that's all