After two years of political suppression, nobody was surprised by the recent decisions of the military junta courts to sentence Morsi and other prominent members of his party to death. It was something that was to be expected by such a regime.
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The continuous military interventions over the last 60 years of Turkish democracy have left a series of different victims of coups. The destructive and bloody aftermath of coups anywhere is always remembered as the darkest days of the countries' histories just as 1980 was one of the darkest years for Turkey
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Now in Egypt, there is a new Constitution before us which institutionalizes the Military-Judiciary-Police State and narrows the sphere of the civilian politics in the post-coup period, and paradoxically is dominated by completely secular, liberal and Naserist positions.
For the Egyptian administrations, the month of November has turned into a nightmare for the last two years. The developments of the last two weeks remind the period which followed the Constitution Declaration promulgated by President Mohammed Morsi in November 2012.
What does Ennahda movement do in order not to share the same fate with the Morsi administration in Egypt and what are the difficulties it comes across?
Both Egyptian and Turkish armies have wielded disproportionate influence on the political course of their respective countries. Their roles were not confined to security sectors, as expected from an army in a democratic political sphere.
A lose-lose balance has already been formed, so both parties have no choice but to reach a political consensus as they have notably high grassroots potential.
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Before the week of departure protests organized by the opposition in Tunisia on August 24, 2013, tension ruled as the Nahda Party in power continues to have talks with the opposition to prevent the country from becoming a second Egypt.
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If the new regime in Egypt survives in the coming days, nobody will win a strategic advantage; rather, all actors in the Middle East will lose dearly, most significantly the Egyptian people themselves.
The August 14 massacre in Egypt proved the helplessness of coup supporters and indicated that the military, which fails to compete against the resistance of the masses through political means, returned back to old methods.
At this point, Gen. Abdel Fattah al-Sisi himself might be the most irrelevant person in the country. He was not a notable actor before and he shall not be a notable actor in the future.
Ulutaş: On-going detentions and massacres in Egypt have shut the door for a political solution in the country.