Over the past few months, the Republican People's Party (CHP) has been working toward convincing the Good Party (IP) to join forces ahead of next year's municipal elections. Local leaders who happen to be part of the municipal ecosystem in Istanbul and Ankara support some type of collaboration.
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After the presidential and parliamentarian elections held in Türkiye on May 14, Turkish and external observers analyzed the results to determine the winners or the losers. In this article, I will try to evaluate the winners of the elections.
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Tens of millions of Turks went to the polls and cast their votes last Sunday to choose the next president and the 600-seat Parliament. Over 30 political parties and five multiparty political coalitions (the People’s Alliance, the Nation Alliance, the ATA Alliance, the Labor and Freedom Alliance, and the Union of Socialist Forces Alliance) competed in the elections. At first, there were four official candidates, namely, President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, Kemal Kılıçdaroğlu, Sinan Oğan and Muharrem Ince. However, after the withdrawal of Ince, only three of them competed for the Presidency.
This book investigates the transformation and the politicization of Alevi identity within the social and political context of post-1980 Türkiye. This study specifically focuses on the role of collective emotions and values in forming and transforming Alevi identity.
Kemal Kılıçdaroğlu, the opposition bloc’s presidential candidate and chairperson of the Republican People's Party (CHP), released two videos titled “Kurds” and “Alevi” last week. He claimed that “millions of Kurds were treated like terrorists for a few votes” in the first video. In the second, he identified as “Alevi” and called on young people to “tear down this discriminatory system claiming that an Alevi cannot (hold office).”
The organization, which has nine members following Iran’s admission, recognized Egypt and Qatar as dialogue partners at the Samarkand Summit. At the same time, the SCO has launched processes related to the full membership of Belarus and granting 'dialogue partner' status to Bahrain, Kuwait, the Maldives, the United Arab Emirates (UAE) and Myanmar.
To ensure that the 2023 election competition does not lead to the alienation of any religious and ethnic groups or sects, all parties, politicians and opinion leaders in Turkey must make a special effort
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It remains unclear who grants legitimacy to whom around the 'table for six.' The fact that the three conservative fringe parties stand with the CHP discourages undecided conservatives from voting for them. To be on the same side with the CHP, in turn, offers minor benefits to them from other voter blocs. Furthermore, judging by the reaction of CHP supporters, anyone around the 'table for six' must accept the 'joint candidacy' of the main opposition’s candidate of choice. The fact that Kılıçdaroğlu will be that candidate, too, is about to be confirmed.
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The “Alevi Issue” is one of the most complicated and, at the same time, largely misunderstood problems in Turkey. Conflicts, resentments, grievances, and perpetual fears about Alevis that have existed for centuries have been publicly voiced through different mechanisms; yet, the message had never been understood thoroughly by the interlocutors of the Alevis. The discussions on the issue in various social and political contexts have often revolved around a rather limited list of Alevi identity-based claims. The JDP government has undertaken a series of steps to understand and respond to Alevi identity-based claims. Popularly known as the “Alevi opening” (Alevi açılımı), the initiative is a turning point in terms of the Turkish governments’ approach to problems of Alevi citizens in Turkey. The Alevi Opening is the first systematic effort to address Alevis’ identity-based contentions.