There is Nothing Artificial about the Crisis of Occupation

The peace process, just as all other components of the Israeli occupation, is merely meant to maintain a permanent state of crisis management for a permanent occupation.

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There is Nothing Artificial about the Crisis of Occupation
Turkey's First Academic Freedom Declaration

Turkey's First Academic Freedom Declaration

This declaration is a large step towards protecting academic freedom to its full extent on campuses.

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As one Kurdish issue is being resolved, another is being created. The new Kurdish issue is nothing but “the PKK’s Kurdish issue.”

If Iran under Rouhani’s leadership adopts a foreign policy based on less defiance and more cooperation, it can contribute to Turkey’s regional vision that prioritizes stability and peace.

Following the use of chemical weapons by Bashar al Assad, who has violated all the red lines in international politics, the US and others have started to discuss a possible military intervention in Syria, but this is mostly because they have concerns about maintaining the legitimacy of the international system.

One should not expect a cure-all magic package but appreciate every single positive step because improvements take place through small steps extended over a period of time in Turkey.

Syria in the Middle of Violence

SETA presents the analyses of SETA experts on Syria in order to better understand Syrian civil war which cost more than 100 thousand lives, injured more than 2 million people and displaced many others.

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Syria in the Middle of Violence
Muslim Democracy in Turkey A Threat or An Opportunity

Muslim Democracy in Turkey: A Threat or An Opportunity?

In fact, the evidence suggests the contrary and that it is the Muslim democrats in the current government who initiated direct talks with the Kurds, the Alevis and the Roma people in Turkey for the first time in the Republic's history.

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In the last few years, the “Kurdish alienation” has deepened more with the cunning of the PKK-PYD and the support of the Arab nationalism that has risen in the region with the occupation of Iraq.

There are four main emotions that the Gezi Park protesters were moved by: elitism, defeat, despair- hopelessness and fear-paranoia.

The 2013 local elections in Iraq give an idea about the general elections to be held in 2014 in terms of both the results and the alliances to be formed.

Unlike what many suppose, democracy is a regime where conservative governments’ conservative policies do not constitute ground for accusations of authoritarianism.

If Erdoğan can overcome 19th century positivism, then we can have our participatory democracy and Erdoğan can finally be free of accusations of totalitarianism.

In its capacity as a wake-up call for all, the demonstrations will go down in Turkey’s political history as a constructive, democratic statement if all parties work together to establish common ground for dialogue and progress.

The classical democracy paradigm has been shaken by the position of the Justice and Development Party (AK Party), the government and the opposition have exchanged their roles in terms of political reflexes.

Extrication of the Turkish-Israeli relationship from the US-Turkey relationship represented a structural change.

As the parties take a political-stress-test in the solution process, all of the actors who fail to play a founding-role will have to suffer structural fractures, independently of the survival or success of the process.

Whatever happens, relations between the two countries cannot and will not reach the high level of cooperation between Turkey’s pro-coup elites and Israel in the late 1990s.

Legislation and judiciary in Turkey have served to safeguard interests of the state rather than protecting rights and freedoms of citizens.