The darkest days for the strategic alliance
Turkish and U.S. officials need to find ways to stop the ongoing crisis from deepening and prevent the years-long strategic partnership from completely collapsing
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Can Erdoğan win again?
Too busy trying to make Erdoğan fail, the Western media are running in contradiction with Turkey's sociology
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Tehran sees Turkey's counterterrorism operation in Qandil as a threat to its influence over Iraq and across the region more generally
Transatlantic relations between the U.S. and European Union have turned into one of the most significant crises in history...
Regardless of what coalition forms in Iraq, the new government will face the problem of ensuring political stability, government control over non-government groups and encouraging normalization among different ethnic and sectarian elements
In Iraq's first parliamentary elections since the defeat of Daesh, which resulted in nationalist victory, Iran and the United States were the biggest losers
US isolation deepens as Trump bungles foreign policies
In the last two weeks, two moves of U.S. foreign policymakers have demonstrated the basic problems of their strategy, potentially challenging Washington's own interests and international relations.
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Could the US withdraw from Syria?
If the U.S. really wants to withdraw from Syria and stop meddling in Middle Eastern politics, it should start by reconsidering the ideological profiles of major policy makers in Washington
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Nowadays, there is heavy diplomatic traffic between Turkey and the United States. Following U.S. National Security Adviser Gen. H.R. McMaster's visit to Istanbul over the weekend, U.S. Secretary of State Rex Tillerson is expected to be in the Turkish capital Ankara on Thursday. Meanwhile, the Turkish and American defense ministers will reportedly hold talks in Brussels later this week.
The U.S. to continue the militarization of the YPG without using terms such as army or border force..
Washington's risky game with the YPG and Turkey's severe military response to this organization has a potential to bring the strategic cooperation between these two countries to the brink of collapse.
The end of the Cold War made these realities a little more complicated.
Washington's decision to develop a new Middle East policy geared toward protecting Israel's narrow and ultra-nationalist interests alone created a new trend in regional affairs.
Donald Trump's Jerusalem move made the situation in the Middle East even worse. Without east Jerusalem, there can be no two-state solution.
In retrospect, this neo-medieval order did not emerge by happenstance or as a result of sporadic developments, but as a result of a deliberate, flexible and long-term regional transformation strategy conducted by the U.S. and its interlocutors.
Iraqi Prime Minister Haider al-Abadi is considering either incorporating the KRG peshmerga into the Iraqi military or keeping it as a minor local force. It is very obvious to what extent this recession troubles the KRG, which has tried to realize self-governance since 1991. It is safe to say that the situation has traumatized the collective memory of Kurdish nationalists.
Barzani is likely to discover that he committed an existential mistake when the chain reactions from his drive for independence begin to emerge
Ankara needs to search for ways to tackle possible regional conflicts that could arise in the post-referendum era
The U.S.'s official support to the Syrian militant group is likely to c ause real tension at the Erdoğan-Trump meeting
Turkish people are really fed up with the stereotyped opposition news against their country by certain Western media outlets such as the recent one by the Economist
The U.S.'s choice of partner in a possible Syrian operation, whether the armed YPG group or its NATO ally, will determine the future of Turkey-U.S. relations
