The continuous military interventions over the last 60 years of Turkish democracy have left a series of different victims of coups. The destructive and bloody aftermath of coups anywhere is always remembered as the darkest days of the countries' histories just as 1980 was one of the darkest years for Turkey

If street violence undermines the nation's security and stability, the country might end up short of a stable environment to build a more democratic political system.

The Gülenist parallel state began to operate with help from affiliated members of law enforcement, public prosecutors and judges, the covert organization gained access to all levels of government.

If Erdoğan is nominated and becomes president, in his capacity as the popularly elected president, he will continue to work with the government he has spearheaded.

It is impossible for the old tutelary foundation that is cemented by the Constitution to carry the emerging new edifice of Turkey.

The Justice and Development Party (AK Party) may become more isolated in doing politic as well. As it continues to carry the burden of progressive democratization all by itself, there is no reason for the AK Party not to maintain its political hegemony.

The biggest obstacle that stands before Turkey’s democratization efforts today is nothing but the 1980 constitution, which was drafted based on the founding ideology after the coup.

Both what the future democratization efforts entail and how expedient they will be depend, not on Erdoğan administration, but on the opposition. Unless the opposition makes a move soon, democratization in Turkey will have to come gradually in “mini democratization packages”.

U.S. Secretary of State John Kerry declared that the military was only restoring democracy in Egypt, but we don’t know who is the client, employer or the subcontractor in this restoration job. If it is Gen. Abdel Fattah al-Sisi’s job to restore democracy, then what is Burns doing in Cairo? If it is Mohamed ElBaradei who will bring “peace” to Egypt, then what keeps Ashton in Egypt?

The AK Party, as the author of many firsts in the resolution of the Kurdish issue, has taken a huge lead over other parties.

Judging from the scene revealed by the ruling Justice and Development Party (AK Party), the paradigm has bankrupted and the transition to a new order has already begun since the world of friends and enemies who stood by the tutelage regime for years is totally confused now.

The messages coming from the Imrali during the solution process reflect the efforts for creating a new conceptual frame to settle in the legitimate-center.

Belated Kurdish nationalism perhaps could not give anything to the Kurds, but it surely bestowed at least 20 years to the regime of tutelage for it to survive.

The message of the outlawed Kurdistan Workers’ Party (PKK) leader Abdullah Öcalan promises, with its most general terms, a quite different world from the 30-year-old clichés.

Today the PKK has to step up and pay the price for its role as an obstacle along Turkish people’s path to the democratic standards they desire.

Turkey must discuss and conclude the issue of specially authorized courts independently of judges and those who stand trial in order to strengthen the constitutional state, to pave the way for the judiciary to deliver justice and to prevent the judiciary from contributing to injustices.

The new constitution cannot and will not meet all demands of political parties. Everyone, each party will have to take a step back. We should be ready for this.