President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan paid an official one-day visit to Iraq on Monday. He was accompanied by a large delegation, including Foreign Minister Hakan Fidan, Interior Minister Ali Yerlikaya, Defense Minister Yaşar Güler, Trade Minister Ömer Bolat, Energy Minister Alpaslan Bayraktar, Minister of Transportation and Infrastructure Abdülkadir Uraloğlu, Minister of Agriculture and Forestry Ibrahim Yumaklı and Minister of Industry and Technology Fatih Kacır. Many high-ranking Turkish officials also accompanied President Erdoğan.

The disaster in Türkiye has once again shown how states with problems in bilateral relations forget their hurdles when faced with a humanitarian crisis

Tehran is facing severe political, economic and social problems domestically such as the negative impacts of the long-time U.S. sanctions, poverty, unemployment, drought, migration and growing uneasiness among different segments of society

What kind of Türkiye does Iran prefer? Which Türkiye can satisfy Iranian regional expectations?

For the last decade, the main concern of Turkish foreign policy has been the crises in the Middle East and North Africa, which include threats emanating from different terrorist groups and state failures as a result of Arab insurgencies. Ankara, however, has been spending its energy on its relations with Western countries, especially France and the United States, rather than on these crises. Nowadays, many observers both from inside and outside the nation have been trying to answer the question, “What does the West want from Turkey?” In this piece, I will try to trace the roots of Paris' approach toward Ankara.

In the new Syria, where the U.S. will withdraw and Russia is aware of Turkish security concerns, the YPG terrorists have no option other than to stop dreaming of gaining a legal status

Regardless of what coalition forms in Iraq, the new government will face the problem of ensuring political stability, government control over non-government groups and encouraging normalization among different ethnic and sectarian elements

The U.S.'s continuous support for the People's Protection Units (YPG) in northern Syria has elicited political criticism and moral outrage in Turkey.

Turkey's foreign policy had a year of transition and change in 2017.

Although the U.N. General Assembly decision is legally non-binding, the wide scope of global opposition to the U.S. on the status of al-Quds indicates a heavy loss of prestige and legitimacy for Washington, which could translate into a loss of effectiveness in foreign policy making on the Middle East.

In retrospect, this neo-medieval order did not emerge by happenstance or as a result of sporadic developments, but as a result of a deliberate, flexible and long-term regional transformation strategy conducted by the U.S. and its interlocutors.

The West does not seem to be bothered much about the rising tide of micro-nationalism in the Middle East, which is categorically perceived as an endemic conflict zone

Iraqi Prime Minister Haider al-Abadi is considering either incorporating the KRG peshmerga into the Iraqi military or keeping it as a minor local force. It is very obvious to what extent this recession troubles the KRG, which has tried to realize self-governance since 1991. It is safe to say that the situation has traumatized the collective memory of Kurdish nationalists.

Despite the push to present Meral Akşener, the chairwoman of the newly established İYİ Party, as an alternative candidate against President Erdoğan in the run up to the 2019 presidential elections, Professor Duran thinks this will not translate into results, as a true candidate for the opposition parties is yet to be identified

The KRG referendum established that regional powers could work together when it comes to preserving the territorial integrity of others.

The neo-medieval order in the Middle East creates brand new challenges for policy makers as national, sub-national and trans-national actors are involved in some of the most sophisticated conflicts simultaneously.