Obviously, democracy requires political parties to change their views in order to find a middle ground. Temporarily suppressing one’s real views to unite around “negative politics” (opposing everything) is not a healthy attitude for the culture of democracy.
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The Justice Ministry's vital mission to formulate an up-to-date and visionary plan is considered a contribution to the new civilian constitution, which is scheduled to be drafted in the 100th year of the founding of the Republic of Turkey.
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Now in Egypt, there is a new Constitution before us which institutionalizes the Military-Judiciary-Police State and narrows the sphere of the civilian politics in the post-coup period, and paradoxically is dominated by completely secular, liberal and Naserist positions.
The AK Party was struggling to find a mid-way amid the red lines drawn by the three opposition parties. If getting rid of the Jacobean articles of the junta Constitution was not possible, then at least considerable effort was going to be exerted to subdue the emphasis on ethnicity in those articles.
The biggest obstacle that stands before Turkeys democratization efforts today is nothing but the 1980 constitution, which was drafted based on the founding ideology after the coup.
The “New Egypt” will be shaped to a great extent by a “negotiation” process between the army and the political actors in opposition. It is likely that Egypt’s transition to democracy will be a long and difficult process.
This policy brief aims to analyse the basic parameters of the new draft constitution in Turkey. Having outlined the radical amendments to the current Constitution in terms of both fundamental rights and state organs, the paper takes up the procedural and substantial criticisms directed against the draft Constitution.
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