The recent visit of Turkish Foreign Minister Hakan Fidan to China marks a significant milestone in the evolution of Turkish foreign policy within the shifting strategic landscape of Eurasia. As Türkiye aims to balance its strategic partnerships and expand its influence, this visit underscores crucial discussions and potential impacts on foreign policy.

President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan’s address at the 78th United Nations General Assembly provided a profound insight into the global and regional priorities that guide Turkish foreign policy. In an era marked by escalating global and regional power rivalries, growing global uncertainties and a changing regional geopolitical landscape prevalent with security challenges, Türkiye faces the imperative of redefining its foreign policy.

In a world marked by escalating global power struggles and growing uncertainty, the United Nations, as the foremost international organization, will once again take center stage at the upcoming General Assembly. Unsurprisingly, Russian President Vladimir Putin and Chinese President Xi Jinping will abstain from attending, as has been their custom during the annual New York gathering each September.

The world has been in transition since the end of the Cold War and the collapse of the bipolar world system in the early 1990s. Several attempts to consolidate the Western, i.e., American, hegemony during the first decade of the post-Cold War period have failed. Some may argue that the 9/11 terrorist attacks were against the symbols of American hegemony and were a turning point in the search for a new hegemon. However, the American reactions, namely the invasions of Afghanistan and Iraq, failed. The United States could not ensure the unity of the West: Western European countries followed different, sometimes conflictual, policies.

We are at a historic juncture in terms of the power struggle in the global political system and BRICS has the potential to be a game changer.

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With the manifestation of the national will evident, it is now time for Türkiye and the West to reframe the post-election concordance path, create a new road map, resume economic cooperation and revisit the political common ground. The approach should focus on a renewed consensus on economic and political collaborations. They will undoubtedly be better off with more cooperation, rather than competition or just a loose liaison. The political (even ideological) differences should not cloud coherence, the ability to cooperate, and post-ballot collaboration.

The fact that economists rarely agree with each other is a well-known phenomenon. As the famous saying goes, they can only agree on disagreement. These differing opinions are also naturally reflected in the economic policies of political movements. On the other hand, these significant differences of opinion amongst various political parties manifest themselves in the approaches to the current economic issues and solutions they offer.

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The coronavirus pandemic has accelerated some global phenomena such as global rivalry, economic protectionism and (ultra-)nationalism. The liberal world order that was established by the United States and liberal Western European countries is increasingly under heavy pressure since the outbreak of the coronavirus crisis.

The G20 is at risk of resembling other similar organizations that have been proven to be ineffective and dysfunctional in almost all kinds of global challenges

Earlier this week, President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan was in Bishkek, Kyrgyzstan along with a large delegation, including myself. The top two items on the agenda were the economic integration of the Turkic world and the fight against the Gülenist Terror Group (FETÖ).

The current American administration, led by an ultra-nationalist and xenophobic politician, has abandoned the traditional principles of American hegemony, namely liberal democracy and the free market

President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan's participation in the BRICS summit in Johannesburg, South Africa last week was significant for Turkey's search for a new direction.

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