Both what the future democratization efforts entail and how expedient they will be depend, not on Erdoğan administration, but on the opposition. Unless the opposition makes a move soon, democratization in Turkey will have to come gradually in “mini democratization packages”.

No matter which method is chosen for Syria, it will be neither rational nor realistic to expect a miraculous solution for the Syrian crisis.

Is it possible and correct that Muslim-majority societies and Islam accept the concept of “deliberative democracy” which is acceptable in fully secular West European societies and U.S. where Christianity has almost no effect on political and social spheres given its transformation in centuries?

Where will the Syrian crisis spread to? What will the region be like today if there had not been a Syrian crisis? Could the Syrian crisis lead the region into an even worse crisis?

The West still does not trust the political actors holding Islamic traditions in the Middle East, and it does not know how to interact with them effectively.

Before the “week of departure” protests organized by the opposition in Tunisia on August 24, 2013, tension ruled as the Nahda Party in power continues to have talks with the opposition to prevent the country from becoming a second Egypt.

Despite the arrival of United Nations (UN) inspectors at Syria to investigate the claims that the Bashar al Assad regime uses chemical weapons against civilians and opponents, the Assad forces coordinated a chemical attack against the East Ghouta area in the Damascus suburb today and that has opened a new round of discussions about the track record of chemical weapons use in Syria.

If Putin has his Assad, the United States has its Sisi. Russia dubbed the massacres in Syria “fight against terror” while the U.S. labeled the coup in Egypt “democratization.”

The media sector’s relationship with the government is not the only problem it faces today. The media establishment, media bosses and journalists are shaped by their ideological tendencies, as well as the governments’ positions.

In the last few years, the “Kurdish alienation” has deepened more with the cunning of the PKK-PYD and the support of the Arab nationalism that has risen in the region with the occupation of Iraq.

If being a majority will never give an edge and if the majority will not get any respect from the minority, as the liberal-leftist conception of democracy suggests, should we not start talking about the danger of “minority dictatorship” rather than “tyranny of the majority”?

The events of July 3 represent nothing but pure political pornography. The sole truth and reality remains: Mohamed Morsi, the elected president of Egypt, lost his power to a military junta and its international solidarity networks.

This is a complex conflict; it is not simply black and white. In order to fully understand what is happening in Syria, every aspect of the conflict must be considered including the actors both inside and outside the state.

Why do the protestors, a significant majority of whom voted for the CHP, feel under represented? Why should the CHP constituency feel less represented than before?