As long as the U.S. insists on the old order of the Middle East via its support for Israel, it will soon no longer possess the necessary political software to deal with the new Middle East.
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What are the chances that the actual object of fear is a stable post-al-Assad Syria? In the aftermath of turmoil and chaos, the newly achieved stability is expected to rest upon a Sunni demographic with a hint of Islamist politics.
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The U.S.-Turkey relationship took on a fresh dynamic with the onset of the Arab Spring in early 2011.
Today, a new Turkey as a regional power is faced with a new US effort to reconsider its role in the region and around the globe.
it is clear that the post-2002 Middle East has new circumstances, and each actorÂ’s ability to adapt to these will determine its future.
Morsi, with his newly earned momentum, intervened in the tutelary powers of the judiciary in the aftermath of Gaza.
We will continue to witness a U.S. policy striving to adjust to the process in Syria. Nevertheless, this policy is not one that is pregnant with revolutionary turning points!
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Another approach to the analysis of the Syrian crisis is to acknowledge the massacres committed by the Assad regime, but in the end, to own up the analyses mentioned above.
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The only way the U.S. can take a constructive role in the Middle East in the aftermath of the Arab uprisings is to follow a foreign policy that is realistic and geared towards restoring justice.
The al-Maliki government, particularly in the past year, has employed the most ordinary Baathist strategies.
Had ErdoÄŸan supported the Baath regime or had he remained a spectator, as the opposition demanded, it would have taken him only months to do the political harm to himself that his adversaries could in decades.
Does the PKK, in the context of Turkey’s Kurdish question, intend to lay down its arms under any circumstance?
Turkey should recognize that the neighbors with which it will likely share its longest borders are not Syria and Iraq, but Kurdish political entities.
Iran has to change its perspective on the region if it really wants to become a determining factor in the region post-al-Assad.
The PKK, which missed by a long shot the transformation both Turkey and the Middle East undertook as evidence by the more blood it continues to shed, will continue to be a burden to the Kurds.
Those who insisted that al-Assad was there to stay for a long time, after a bomb went off in Damascus, moved onto the second propaganda phase.
The massacre in Houla last week demonstrated once again that not much has changed since the uprisings started in Syria. The Baathist regime continues to kill in front of the whole world.
The final leg of support for the Syrian Ba’ath regime’s geopolitical comfort zone was the political climate generated by the other dictatorships in the area.
The Arab uprisings in early 2011 provided the US and Turkey with an opportunity and a necessity to discover new forms of cooperation and policy coordination due to the urgency for action on the ground.
Syria has become one of the few friends Iran has left, after it was blatantly sanctioned by the West, the U.S and other states in the region after the Islamic revolution.
Israel wants regime change in Syria, as much as it wanted a change in Egypt, the heart of the Camp David order, of which the Syrian regime is branch.